Imperialistic ideology versus democratic ideology: an asymmetry of variable and constant factors (XXV)
XXV – Imperialistic ideology versus democratic ideology: an asymmetry of variable and constant factors
Iñaki Aginaga and Felipe Campo
The history of the imperialism is a long criminal history of ignorance and contempt of the other Peoples, and of permanent belief in the own racial, cultural and linguistic superiority. According to the agents and beneficiaries of imperialism, the conquered Peoples are worthless, castoffs incapable of civilization and social, economic, political and cultural development. Apart from a perverse, retrograde, violent and manipulated tiny minority, the lower “populations” themselves do understand, accept, thank, request, demand and finally impose the happy fate of liquidation that imperialism offers them.
For the imperialism, the dominated Peoples have no other destiny but to be liquidated by the dominant Peoples: bearers of the vitality and the eternal values that found their own Nation, their freedom and their rights. They must be subjected, governed, stripped, exterminated and assimilated, and finally disappear as soon as possible, for the benefit of the superior Races, Languages, Cultures and Peoples, of the same inferior “peoples” and of all Humanity. Which in the end comes to be the same, since in its ideology, imperialistic Nationalism and Universalism are identified and do converge – in the own destiny of the great Empires – to rule, destroy and incorporate the whole world. (If so ambitious and pretentious an enterprise has undergone a regrettable depletion, this has been due to the misunderstanding of the others, to the interference of powerful rivals, and to the surprising and close-minded negative of Peoples to join the civilization and progress provided by the superior races that have set their claws on them.) The imperialistic Universalism is the Nationalism on a worldwide scale.
All the subjugated, occupied, annexed and colonized Peoples: whether they be Euro-Asian, Amerindian, African or Oceanic, have been the object of analogous ideological treatment at the hands of their conquerors. For them they are wild, childish or degenerated hominids, humanoid or sub-human, perverse and obstinate opponents to the progress and civilization, crafty and disguised, aggressive, bellicose, bloodthirsty, cruel and treacherous murderers and thieves. They correspond with attempts, killings and looting to the countless, disinterested, devoted and generous efforts and sacrifices made by their peaceful and non-violent benefactors to provide them with material and spiritual salvation, with Gospel, order, welfare, culture and civilization. Physically and morally much inferior to their conquerors, they speak (if they can speak) unintelligible or lower types of jargon which – the sooner, the better – must be replaced insofar as possible by the Language of culture of the invader. Whether – the same as dogs – they cannot speak properly, neither have they a name until the alien Power imposes or recomposes it by an onomastic and toponymic replacement. They are not Countries, Peoples, Nations, Societies or States but “populations, regions, neighbourhoods, citizenships, natural communities unable to territorial dimension in the terra nullius in which they wander; toys of the fate without associative and political will; unviable embryos and larvae, unable to other social, political and juridical life different than that one imposed by the invader”.
For the imperialistic Nationalism, the subjugated Peoples are larvae, unviable abortions or trash Peoples; sociological, historical, racial, linguistic and cultural waste devoid of vital force, dignity and historical memory; conglomerates unable to civilization and social, economic and political development; shapeless populations with which further considerations and contemplations are unnecessary. Their ethnographic, linguistic, folkloric or archaeological residues are “heritage” of the great Peoples bearers of eternal and universal values that have defeated them. Unable to access to the social, political or legal life, they have no more laws and more rights than those granted to them by the laws laid down by the right of the Peoples which hold the political power. It is a mystery of Providence or of history that such sub-human garbage has been able to resist for centuries the conquest of the armies and administrations of the modern States of Europe, sometimes inflicting on them memorable defeats and forcing them to abandon their millennial projects of domination and genocide.
For the imperialist ideology, the Resistance of a People that does not exist nor deserves to exist is and cannot be anything else but perversity or dementia: either temporary and circumstantial, or permanent and irreversible. Or else mere savagery: incomprehensible stubbornness – of a nationalism without nation, of a Resistance without means, and of a society without value and without resources – faced to the superior Nation and its benefits. It could not be otherwise, given the invaluable benefits provided to them by foreign domination. It would be absurd to think of a will and a capacity of solid and permanent Resistance on their part. The State Terrorism, the “pacification” and the diverse variants of genocide are the only treatment that can be applied. Of course, the armed forces of occupation – always ready – are enough and plenty against temporary, ephemeral, superficial, absurd and criminal attempts of opposition. The imperialism – Spanish, French or multinational, military, civil or ecclesiastical – does long ago consider that the Basque People is a sociological subject devoid of vital force, dignity and historical memory, an archetype of a perpetual loser with which considerations and contemplations are unnecessary.
The imperialistic ideology denies, already in idea, the very existence of the Basque People so as to better destroy it in practice. Instead of Peoples and Nations, the imperialism establishes territorial demarcations, simple – passive and inert – fragments of the Peoples and States of Spain and France, territorially and administratively determined and identified. “The tolerance and respect to the natural communities” replace the rights of national independence, self-determination and legitimate self-defence of all Peoples etc. The national freedom, the rights of self-determination and legitimate self-defence of all Peoples are here exclusive for the Spanish people and the French people, which are the only ones that exist. French and Spanish Governments have claimed before the UN and the European Imperiualistic Union (EIU) their rights of self-determination and self-defence against the Peoples and States that they keep under subjugation and military occupation. When the so-called European Court of Human Rights recognizes this “right”, it denies not only the fundamental rights with all its consequences but also the very existence of the subjugated Peoples.
The illusions and hopes build up by the subjugated Peoples about peace, freedom and democracy persist and resist all experience: not even the terrible Hot or Cold Wars of the catastrophic 20thcentury have fully finished with them. The bigger is the disaster, more reasons have the oppressed masses to take refuge in their fictional paradises, and more facilities have the real powers to distribute among them the ideological narcotics and hallucinogens that keep them in their sad plight of passive herd, without neither conscience nor will nor capacity that are not those coming imposed to them by the structure of imperialistic domination.
In 1914-18 they were led to believe that the victory of Western Imperialism over the Germanic hordes would leave the field open for peace, freedom and democracy. In 1945 they believed the same thing, once the Axis Powers – the evil National-Socialists and their Allies – had been defeated with the problematic and disturbing support of the wicked Bolsheviks, turned into almost good anti-fascists; but immediately converted in very bad Communists, while the ancient bad guys of the Axis turned into a good Western Democrats. The Spanish Fascism: bastion of democracy and spearhead of the Crusade against the Muscovite barbarism, did not have to turn into anything and did overnight become democratic even without a formal purge, keeping the imperialistic régime over the subjugated Peoples.
Contrary to the illusions that the monopolios of propaganda and ideological intoxication of mases do spread, the political conflict between the dominant nation and the dominated nation, between “the offensive nationalism of the oppressingnation and defensive nationalism of the oppressed nation”, is an intrinsically unstable order that only has, immediately or in the long run, two possible outcomes. On one side there is the decision to put an end, with the utmost urgency and once and for all, to the democratic Resistance; which gets logically identified, without delay or priority, with the final solution: the complete liquidation of the People itself, real actor of the active and passive Resistance, Hydra origin of all evils and all cut and to be cut off heads. It gets identified, in short, with the complete annihilation of Peoples and States that have had the misfortune of losing their freedom under alien domination. And on the other side, there is the end of imperialism, the national independence, the theoretical, practical and not falsified affirmation of the fundamental and inherent right of freedom, free disposition or self-determination of all Peoples. There is no third way. The “intermediate solutions” are decoys and absurd and unworkable tricks intended to weaken and divide the national Resistance in order to ensure the domination of the occupying forces.
The process for an ideological and political qualification: precondition for the subsequent effective implementation of the right of self-determination and the fundamental human rights in general, is the only possible way-out from imperialism; the only way of freedom for the Peoples. The “naïve” belief according to which it is possible to obtain the ideological approval of imperialism through the fulfilling of “limited” criteria, conditions and requirements (under which it hides its real designs for a total annihilation), does ignore that any attempt to meet them is illusory, since those “criteria” etc. do only exist if they are not fulfilled, that is: they are fabricated and imposed precisely if they are not met, because they are not met, and so that they are not met; otherwise, they are replaced by another ones. Consequently, whatever it is or whatever it does, a subjugated People never has and will never manage to fulfil the conditions that, for the imperialism, do accredit it as a Nation with its inherent rights of self-determination and self-defence. The only way that a People has left, so as to “satisfy” the imperialism, is to cooperate with it in its own end.
Indeed, the conditions and ideas established by the imperialism to be accepted as a People are simultaneously or in succession adjusted or varied according to the adversary, place, time, context, circumstances and opportunity. Imperialism is not founded upon them, does not depend on them; imperialism does produce them, and invent in each case those ones which are needed: they are its ideological propaganda and consequence. This same variation reveals the formal, instrumental, secondary and superficial character of those that purportedly are the “consistent foundations” of the imperialistic ideology. If the characteristics of Basque and Spanish Peoples were others, the concepts used by the imperialistic ideology would change or just swap, and what now is invalid would become eminently valid. If the method and criteria that the imperialistic ideology uses to deny the national existence and the right of independence of the Basque People were applied to the others, then there would not remain in the world Country nor independence able to pass the test; there would not be in the whole world Nation or State left without disqualification, France and Spain ahead.
In the same way, when and where it was necessary, the imperialists who were fundamentalist National-Catholics turned into schismatics (or “Marxist-Leninists”), as they had already announced that they would do, and they remain ready to turn themselves into anything else, if their true and permanent National-imperialistic values and objectives make it necessary. The Spanish “Republicans and Socialists” have already turned themselves into legitimist-constitutionalist monarchists of the Francoist monarchy, bourgeois reformists, and anything that the Spanish imperialistic Nationalism needs. The “contradictions between the constitutionalist Parties” do not deceive anyone. Depending on how it sees that things are going around the world, the Spanish Nationalism invokes the principles of National-catholicism, Fascism, National-syndicalism, Falangism, National-socialism, National-communism, Castrism or Marxism-Leninism: in succession or all at once; and jumps from the German Empire to the Soviet Empire or the American Empire with the same ease. Imperialists and fascists are ideologically superior to all in matters of policy, morality or law: they have all the principles that they need and they are everything that suits them. The imperialistic and fascist leaders possess in the highest degree the institutional cynicism and hypocrisy, which allow them to face without any shame the public opinion prefabricated and stupefied by the monopolies of violence and propaganda.
For the appreciation and interpretation of the reality according to the ideology of imperialism and fascism, and due to the mental/moral distortion it establishes, the same data, the same means, the same facts and the same ideas are either “intrinsically and fundamentally” evil, or straight and holy; all this depending on the circumstances, the moment, the involved subject and the own convenience. The application of concepts, values, criteria, principles, norms and theoretical references that are not only variable but even formally contradictory (an application performed jointly or separately, depending on the ideological need and opportunity and on whether they are applied to one or the other of the opponents), is a constant factor of the imperialistic and fascist propaganda.
Instead, for the subjugated persons and Peoples, the truth is the sole way: long, hazardous and full of risks, which sometimes leads to freedom, as well as it equally comes from it. (Unfortunately, throughout their history Spaniards and French have known no other “freedom” than that of their permanent Despotic-Asiaticand Absolutist régimes; and their “truth” is the affirmation of their imperialisticNationalism overthe Basque People.)
Now then, in a world like ours, telling the truth is an inadvisable activity that exposes its reckless or unconscious actors to the worst reactions of the “public” opinion and powers. As far as truth is concerned, whoever wants to “live well” here or at least live quietly, has every interest in learning to close his trap. Most of the population has understood this for a long time. “The truth will set you free”, it has been said; but the lie and the destruction of reason also “liberate” its own servants: agents of the established totalitarian, imperialistic and fascist power, to whom it offers the rich diversity of its all-powerful will.
Insofar as democracy implies freedom of thought, of criticism and research, the logical coherence, the terminological and conceptual univocity, the semantic parity and the methodological stability are conditions for the access to truth and knowledge. On the contrary, for imperialism and fascism, they are insurmountable obstacles to be destroyed, because their agents cannot dominate ideologically the Peoples without falsifying, recuperating and confusing the ideas. This form of ideology involves the previous dumbing down of its patients by modern propaganda monopolies; however, if this condition is lacking, the reactioncan be dangerous for the pretentious fascist agents.
Intellectual probity and imperialistic Nationalism do mutually exclude each other. The Nationalism-Imperialism has nothing to do with any kind of intellectual “honesty”. Imperialism is a criminal enterprise of Nationalist and racist domination-exploitation against Peoples’ freedom, established and maintained by means of criminal Violence, which is also achieved through ideological indoctrination; which implies mental confusion of its patients, falsehood, disguise and calumny.
The ideologists of the imperialistic and fascist Nationalism: whether they claim to be National-Catholics/Protestants/Orthodox or National-laymen/socialists/communists, are not honest theorists or men of science, even less “good-hearted persons who defend their ideas – all legitimate and respectable – with pen and word, and who oppose culture to violence”, as their indigenous and “autonomous” services of ideological intoxication of masses seek to make us believe. Quite on the contrary, as politicians, they are agents, partners, accomplices, accessories after the fact and/or beneficiaries – notorious and convicted – of the robbery and the crimes of war, against peace and against Humanity that constitute the current French-Spanish imperialistic régime that subjugates our Country. And as ideologists, they are liars, libellers, forgers and impostors, cheats and swindlers, habitual or professional advantage players.
Decent people, good people, do not talk to the imperialistic and fascist criminals who do continue or try that there continues the enterprise of domination of the French-Spanish imperialistic Nationalism, which has bloodied and oppressed the Basque People and is occupying our Country for twelve centuries. Even less can do it those who exercise functions and assume ideological and political responsibility. The thinker, the politician, or the free person that faces theoretical, practical or simple information issues under the conditions of imperialism will do well to distrust and protect himself from any communication or “informative, scientific or artistic” contribution that comes from its agents.
For decent politicians, scientists and persons, no honourable trade and no honest frequentation are possible with the imperialistic and fascist ideological agents: whatever the moral or cultural pretensions with which they conceal themselves may be. There cannot be talks with those who – whether having or not a gun on the table – do lean on the monopoly of criminal Violence, established through war of aggression, conquest, and countless and horrendous imprescriptible crimes against our Country. In our Country there cannot be a place for “talks” with the agents of the propaganda and the psychological warfare that impose the ideas of the French-Spanish imperialism and fascism, in the service and under the protection of their occupying army. The “dialogue” with the imperialistic Fascism and Terrorism is a formal nonsense that involves complicity with their agents and the covering-up of their criminal enterprise of destruction of the free persons and Peoples; consequently, it must be absolutely and positively avoided.
In the conditions of the imperialistic régime of military occupation, they are impossible and contradictory the democratic relations with those who fight the fundamental human rights and, first of all, the right of self-determination or Independence of all Peoples: “first of fundamental human rights and prior condition for the full enjoyment of them all”, according to contemporary International Law recognized – not constituted – by the United Nations. Democratic relations, popular will and human rights are only reached by the suppression of the imperialistic occupation as a precondition.
Encouraged and enhanced by the new world order of hegemony, the Nationalism does brutally adopt nowadays all the resources of the modern imperialistic ideology: semantic manipulation and confusion, conceptual perversion and ruin of the formal logic, falsification of history and mystification of sociology, policy and law; techniques with which the ancient European oriental despotism and absolutism of Spain and France are updated and enhanced. Paralogisms, essentialism, constructivism, ignorance, dogmatism and obscurantism; falsification and destruction of the historical memory and collective conscience of Peoples; mythology, theology, teleology and retroyection of history; brain washing, ideological indoctrination and intoxication of masses, and creation and conditioning of positive and negative reflexes by means of predetermined primary stimuli: they are essentially ideological mechanisms in the service of the imperialism, which are ensured by the monopolies of communication, education and propaganda founded by the terrorist monopoly of violence.
Imperialism and Fascism are not bothered by theoretical performances or scientific statements; they are only interested in the ideas insofar as they can be used as tools of domination, or – when they cannot be used in this way – as targets to be destroyed. In the face of this, democratic ideology does not aim to seek its realization in the closed field of ideas but in the global ground of social struggles. It is bearing this in mind that we do establish the principle that, in the realm of democratic policy, the theoretical criticism of imperialistic and totalitarian ideology is inseparable from its practical criticism; and both are part of the Resistance to Imperialism and Fascism.
All theoretical and formal “victory” over the imperialistic and fascist propaganda is ideologically futile and absurd, is a result positive for the imperialism and negative for the democratic opposition, if it involves to divert and consume time and rare or scarce political and ideological resources, which in the economy of a democratic strategic-system must be employed at the moment and according to priorities that only with regard to it can be determined. Being so that the means available to the dominant propaganda are incomparably greater than those of the democratic opposition; and that its losses can be immediately repaired, the established power can afford to make non-recoverable sectorial investments simply to distract or occupy forces which, quite on the contrary, the opposition cannot waste or replace. That’s why, in the struggle against imperialism and fascism, thealleged theoretical“victories” under such conditions can perfectly be considered in practice as ideological-strategic defeats.
The imperialistic propaganda does not only falsify history and sociology: it’s also formally irrational, contradictory and absurd. In its theoretical contents, the imperialistic and fascist ideology is false and devoid of logical value and meaning; however this does not cause it considerable prejudice but rather the opposite, since its ideological integration and implantation of masses are carried out without major difficulties, as long as the monopoly of criminal Violence ensures and guarantees the monopoly of mass dissemination. The theoretical limitations inherent to the imperialist enterprise are overcome with the almost absolute advantage provided by the political, economic and demographic superiority, and with the monopoly of the so-called mass media of “communication-information-education”, actually reduced to the role of simple instruments of propaganda and psychological warfare according to methods elaborated, tested and developed by the totalitarian Powers.
As dominant ideology and thanks to its mere mass of quantitative expression, the imperialistic ideology appears transfigured by the totalitarian monopoly of criminal Violence, which entails monopoly of ideas and single thought. The “superiority” of the imperialistic ideology is not founded in its theoretical quality but above all in its overwhelming advantage of quantitative expression, which the monopoly of communication and propaganda bestows on it.
Meanwhile, the clandestine propaganda is the absolute proof of the ideological oppression and of the identity of its victims: where there is ideological freedom, there is no clandestine press; where there is clandestine press, there is no ideological freedom. Imperialists and fascists have not issued a clandestine sheet in all their “troubled” life. Their forte is in the monopolies of violence and propaganda, the criminal law for the criminalization of ideas, the political and ideological terrorism, the elimination of all freedom of expression and all opposition, the overwhelming, crushing and exclusive superiority of their media of mass dissemination, the saturation of the informative space, the establishment and manipulation of collective conditioned reflexes, the destruction of all critical sense, the brainwashing, the stultification and ideological intoxication of masses, the censorship and self-censorship, the absence of information and criticism: for all of which they count in our Country on the strenuous collaboration, complicity, participation and betrayal of the puppet indigenous “opposition” and the “autonomic media”.
In the ideological aggregates of the modern fascism and imperialism, the vagueness and contradiction of terms and concepts, or the absence of any possible definition do not harm their propaganda; they allow them, by contrast, apply or avoid it in whatever case. Its applications are unlimited:
“When I use a word”, Humpty Dumpty said, in rather a scornful tone, “it means just what I choose it to mean– neither more nor less.”
“The question is”, said Alice, “whether you can make words mean so many different things.”
“The question is”, said Humpty Dumpty, “which is to be master– that’s all.”
In periods of ideological crisis and inflation, the semantic parity and conceptual stability are values not quoted; and the forged currency, coined by the ideological monopolies and the banks of issue of the official vocabulary of the régime, expels the genuine one. Division, fusion, confusion, substitution, fragmentation and tweaking of the vocabulary; alteration and recuperation of the meaning and the terminological import; and multiple meaning of the words: all this do nowadays constitute the linguistic vehicle for the ideological trickery. The monopolies of coinage have falsified the semantic currency up to destroy the very instrument constituent of thought and communication: the language. They have thus created a community linguistically conditioned, degenerated, manipulated and mentally alienated: an inert prey of the totalitarian political power. Their agents have understood very well that he who wins the battle of words has already won the war of ideas. To this effect they have counted and do count on the unconditional participation of the agents of the “Basque armed and unarmed institutional opposition”; who, when they can, go if possible even further than their masters and teachers in the matter.
It’s enough to just consider the reactionary evolution of the political vocabulary in the last forty years of the history of the Basque People: the emergence, disappearance and transformation of the proper and accurate terminology in the analysis and denunciation of fascist imperialism, so as to appreciate the loss of the progresses achieved in long years of ideological struggles under the primitive Francoism. The words do now mean what the Nationalism-fascism-imperialism wants and needs them to. The upside-down language of the totalitarian system, by Thucydides, Carroll and Orwell warned or beforehand sensed, has thus come to be achieved in the occupied territories of the Crown of Nabarre to the world’s shame, and not wonder.
The political power has always applied the old recipe of confusing, changing and splitting the names and ideas in order to make believe that things are different from what they are. The imperialistic and fascist ideology incorporates and builds up diverse versions, interpretations, propositions, justifications, principles or objectives (logically indeterminate, heterogeneous or opposed to each other) gathered together in a same conceptual aggregate under a same term. Thus, destroying the basic pillar of any formal logic: the uniqueness and oneness of the concept comprehension and extension, are established concepts with heterogeneous comprehensions and extensions, turned into double or multiple ideas with heterozygous – dominant or recessive – genetic material in reserve; all of which allows the transfer between different concepts, and enshrines and composes the one and triune mystery of the official non-violence. All the technical, political and ideological conditions of totalitarian terrorism are thus gathered.
The different versions spread by the imperialistic ideology: formally contradictory, are not presented theoretically articulated; they are simply enforced according to their own and diverse utility within the totalitarian ideological whole, in an amalgam as confusing as functional, depending on the exigencies of the propaganda. They are invoked, aroused, divided, accumulated, combined, transferred, supported, comforted, concealed and legitimized between each other; they operate jointly or alternatively, simultaneously or successively, globally or sectorally, articulately or cumulatively, smoothly or harmoniously on a undifferentiated common ideological space; they constitute operating conglomerates that do condition and determine the trends, affectivity, emotions and collective passions, in a dimension of the propaganda, the psychological warfare, the political practice the and social psychology where all formal rationality did long ago cease to exist, if it ever did. The formal contradiction does not haul them considerable damages: the functional accumulation – the more, the better – ensures optimal performance in a society conditioned in accordance.
To the ideology of the modern totalitarianism, the scientific method, the principle of non-contradiction and the formal logic deserve a lesser consideration than to all despotic systems that preceded and founded it. Formal logic proceeds through contradiction and elimination; the totalitarian propaganda, instead, through incoordination and accumulation. Irrationality affords the totalitarian propaganda the exorbitant capability to play at the same time with all the ideas, quite formally contradictory though they may be. Contemporary totalitarianism can thus expand and adapt its propaganda to the more diverse patients; and accuse the opponent of deficiencies or crimes and attribute itself qualities that – formally but not ideologically – are equivocal or even do exclude each other.
On their part, the formal logic and the conceptual and terminological precision: which the democratic resistance should conform to, have their own virtuality, of course; but involve limitations that do not affect the totalitarian propaganda, which can afford to ignore things like those ones. If they had not enough with suffering the unreason of despotism and the despotism of unreason, the democratic forces have also to suffer the tyranny of reason. Because, by virtue of the principle of non-contradiction, the reason and democracy lack ideological complementary diversification, and have only a single ideological line, a single theoretical card which bring into play: that of flawless rationality and logical coherence. Instead, fascism, imperialism and totalitarianism have all that they need, irrational though they may be (depending on time, place, opponent and situation); and all of them – either in succession or simultaneously, partially or totally – are operative and operational. They can thus expand, diversify and adapt their propaganda to different clients, with special offers tailored to each stratum or social group.
Lies and defamation with mass reach are strong weapons, more direct and effective than their problematic subsequent theoretical rectification. To begin with, the monopolies of criminal Violence and propaganda do already exclude any proportionate response to the damage caused, thus multiplying decisively the ideological superiority of the imperialistic forces; and in this way the lie repeated a thousand times becomes again the ideological truth.
It should be borne in mind that the extreme use of the material means at its disposal, and even the theoretical-formal weakness of the imperialistic and fascist propaganda, are cause and effect of the situation of absolute domination that the monopoly of the criminal Violence provides to its agents. And this is because the formal contradiction in which they move with total naturalness and without its causing them the slightest concern, the lie and the stupidity, the falsification of words and the manipulation of concepts, are always profitable for fascism if the monopoly of propaganda assures them repetition and penetration without possibility of reply; and this is something that fascism makes sure to achieve. The falsification of the cardinal terms and concepts of sociology and policy is part of the ideological technique of modern imperialism and totalitarianism, so as to achieve confusion and domination over the Peoples.
Imperialism and fascism do not only destroy the material reality of Peoples; they also destroy in them the common sense and reason. The ideological schizophrenia does found the dominant propaganda that affirms the “freedom” of imperialism. Their spokespersons: considered mentally healthy by the traditional clinical systems and criteria, are a permanent danger for the mental health of the populations subjected to the monopolies of propaganda, psychological warfare, and ideological intoxication of masses of the imperialistic and fascist régime. Far from harming them, irrationality offers these officials considerable – and often decisive – ideological advantages vis-à-vis the defenders of authentic freedom based on fundamental human rights and Democracy; without the former having to fear from the latter any rational or scientific competition that can be ideologically effective among the masses, given their overhelming superiority of means.
Surprising though it may appear to the deluded or romantic idealists: who still believe in the universal value and validity of the panlogism and in the effectiveness of the reason as an ideological weapon, the stupidity and the formal irrationality are not defect or weakness but ideological fullness and virtue, under the conditions of imperialism and fascism.
In the face of them, the only antidote that democratic ideology has is intellectual honesty and logical-formal coherence, on the one hand; and, on the other, the structuring of a democratic ideology and a policy based upon the theoretical and practical affirmation of the universal validity and respect of fundamental human rights and, above all, upon the first and the precondition of all of them: the right of self-determination or independence of all Peoples. Without fundamental rights, there is no democracy.
“What we would today call stupidity is a reliquary that dates back to prehistoric times, and that the historical period has found before it and picked up.” “On the base of these diverse false representations of nature and of the constitution of the human himself”, “the weak economic development of the prehistoric period has as a complement – but also here and there as a condition and even cause – the false representations of nature.” “The history of science is the history of the progressive elimination of this stupidity, or of its replacement by a new stupidity, but increasingly less absurd.” However, this optimistic view of the process of civilization and of the scientific progress cannot make us ignore that the stupidity has not only by base “the weak economic development of the prehistoric period, the false representations of nature and of the constitution of human being, or the deficient state of the scientific method”. Indeed, the modern totalitarianism has found in it a fundamental instrument.
Stupidity is not – well understood – a “privilege” of the totalitarian system: it’s a heritage of humanity, of all human society; yet, modern totalitarianism makes of stupidity its instrument, and offers it new vehicles, roads and prospects. “It is a widely held opinion, shared by some contemporary philosophers, that all human behaviour patterns which serve the welfare of the community, as opposed to that of the individual, are dictated by specifically human rational thought. Not only is this opinion erroneous, but the very opposite is true.”
The apparent recklessness in the absurdity, lie and irrationality: in which its agents do generally incur, is explained by the conditions and by the main or accessories objectives which the imperialistic enterprise that they are serving must first and foremost hold to. In addition, they have discovered that the contradiction, the lie, and the stupidity, the forgery of words and the manipulation of concepts, are always profitable for fascism, if only the monopoly of propaganda does assure them repetition and penetration without the possibility of a reply. The confusion, the chaos, the debasement of the ideas and the destruction of reason do always benefit fascism and imperialism.
The formal pieces of nonsense that the dominant ideology does endlessly produce: which are daily and constantly served by the local collaborationists and in prime-time programs, do arouse, sometimes, the same curiosity – not exempt from perplexity – about the qualification, definition and classification of their supposedly passive and even active protagonists. Are they naïvely forgers, or are they so in bad faith? Are they really stupid, or are acting the fools? Are they actually imbeciles, or do they only believe that are so the others? Ideologists, confessors, psychologists and psychiatrists are supposed to be the best qualified to respond, case-by-case and according to their respective specialty.
If the imperialistic propaganda does falsify history and sociology; and if, in addition, it is formally irrational, contradictory and absurd (all of which, as already explained, does not occasion it any considerable ideological prejudice), it is so because it has been deliberately designed that way so as to block and exhaust the opposition. Indeed, enunciating and propagating formal pieces of nonsense is much easier than to correct them, and therefore the task of ideological resistance presents difficulties that the imperialistic aggression does not know; just the same as the anti-colonial and anti-fascist strategy is obliged to mobilize theoretical faculties that must necessarily be higher than those needed by the imperialistic and fascist aggression.
However, undertaking up to its ultimate consequences the “theoretical criticism” of the functional nonsense that the monopolistic propaganda does continuously spread against the freedom of Peoples, this would be so an illusory and absurd a thing as to engage in demonstrate that two and two make four every time that the ideological provocateurs of the imperial-totalitarian régime do affirm they make five. It would be fatal to ignore all this; because, while the naïve defenders of the subjugated Peoples do exhaust their poor resources in vain and imaginary debates with the “passive members” of the imperialism and fascism: designed as a bait to lure and entertain them, the “active members” of the dominant power do tirelessly continue their work of demolition against those Peoples.
Because if it is accepted that aggression and conquest are and create the law, then it’s quite logical to make derive also from them the right to cheat, deceive and intoxicate the persons and Peoples dominated by imperialism, about the dire and odious origin and consequences of such procedures. As will be shown in the next chapter, in every totalitarian system – inherent in imperialism and fascism – social sciences and even morality are subordinated to the dominant ideology, established by the political power by means of its monopolies of criminal Violence and propaganda. The modern monopoly of ideological conditioning of masses, an annex to the monopoly of Violence, allows to conceal what the slightest freedom of criticism would put in evidence. Indeed, the shameless combination of stupidity, cynicism and hypocrisy, which characterizes the imperialistic and fascist ideology, does allow all adaptations.
Nothing can do the truth, the common sense, the rationality and the scientific spirit in totalitarian States where the Governments do overtly attribute themselves supreme and reserved competencies that are alien to them. A political régime that aims to decide and impose its decisions in matters of science, morals, art, culture or religion, is already a totalitarian régime. (The political power: whatever it may be, is not competent in scientific matters as well as in questions of morality, art, culture or religion. Its only competence lies on its own and specific means of action, that is: violence. However, once this undisputed competence has been established, this allows next a totalitarian régime to attribute itself all competencies: an attribution implied in the actually or virtually unlimited extension of its area of domination, as so many examples of totalitarianism have revealed throughout history.)
In imperialistic and totalitarian States such as the Spanish or the French one: where ministries of culture and constitutional and supreme judges “elucidate”, decide, rule, finance and impose “the truth” in cultural and scientific issues; and where the history, sociology, economics or linguistics are authoritatively established, the populations that endure them cannot be under any illusions about the results of all this.
The imperialistic régime and its vicissitudes – in the form of elections, attempts, controlled demonstrations and integrated conflict – provide permanent matter of amusement and confusion to every day ensure the scheduled solicitation of the masses, which hides the basic data of the political reality and the inescapable foundations of all opposition of strategic level.
To impose and multiply the marginal, secondary or partial topics allows to divert the attention from the root of the problems. The conditioning of the masses must veil and stun the consciences, destroy all critical sense, prevent the expression of all independent thought: to such an extent their ideologists and spokespersons are convinced of their incapability to deal with the slightest contradiction and the most basic historical and political truth. The intervention of the power tries to close all ways or cracks through where a rest of information and knowledge could infiltrate – immediate and elementary though it might be – about the reality of the oppression that the Spanish Nationalism, with the invaluable assistance of French Nationalism and the new hegemonic world order, exercises on the occupied Nation and State of the Basque People.
When it cannot impose its own ideas, to achieve the destruction of those of the others or the ideological confusion is already a goal and victory of the fascist propaganda. The nationalist provocations try to divert the democratic Resistance from its real tasks; and to block, neutralize and wear down the opponent in order to distract or keep occupied the forces that the opposition cannot afford to lose or replace. To make waste time and the rare or scarce resources of the opposition is already a profitable target for the ruling classes. To that effect, the superiority in number and means, the simple ideological mass and even the weakness and stupidity of their thoughts, constitute increasingly effective advantages against defenceless populations, stunned by centuries of one-way propaganda. The slanders, insults, defamatory statements (which the nationalist agitators and monopolies are increasingly forced to use in an attempt to prevent any criticism or contrast of ideas on the substance of the issues) are mainly designed in order to take the initiative and bring the ideological offensive on the field of an adversary destabilized and fragilized by the ideological terrorism that accompanies the political terrorism.
All theoretical-formal “opposition”, carried out under such conditions, is the correspondence in the ideological field of the “institutional path and the armed struggle” in the political field, and has the same possibilities and consequences than this one. It is a particularly inept form of swallowing the bait, getting caught on the hook and playing in the hands of an adversary that has all the trumps in its hand and knows how to use them. Only the refusal to accept the ideological provocation can make it inoperative: something that no theoretical “refutation” of the formal nonsense will never achieve. The ideological battles and war can be lost by “winning” theoretical clashes, the same as the political battles and war can be lost by winning elections and tactical manoeuvres.
The criticism and the proof, when are to be used as ideological method, require the conditions of crisis, social will and cultural environment that precede and make possible the reception and reproduction of ideas. When those conditions are met, certain immediate and naked statements and conclusions erode or clear sometimes the protective barrier of the ideological system of fascism with a certain degree of effectiveness; superior, in any case, to the one provided by theoretical developments inadequate in the face of the dominant infra-culture.
The knowledge of the fascist method and ideology, and the putting in evidence before the popular consciousness of its main expedients and tricks are – unfortunately – an arduous, tedious and depressing need that the overwhelming and exclusive domination of the monopolies of propaganda and psychological warfare does impose. But all consistent democratic ideology demands the ascetic self-limitation of its drives, and must resist the temptation, satisfaction and consequences of indulging in the repetition of the formal, point-wise, apparent or pedantic “success” against imperialism. “Manure can be an object of scientific study as any other; yet, once their formation and composition reach to be known to us, there isn’t any good putting the nose inside whenever we find a new heap.” The imperialistic ideological garbage does not deserve attention: is not usable or recyclable, it should always be handled with caution, and its prolonged contact has direct or indirect lethal consequences for its addicts and their relatives; the permanent – masochists or optimists – attendants of fascist propaganda check it daily.
The efficacy of totalitarian propaganda does not depend on its formal characters but of the correlative weakness, inferiority and defencelessness in which its victims are maintained or reduced. The fact that in the subjugated Peoples exist social layers affected and infected by such propaganda, shows the degree of moral or mental weakness, the helplessness of broad social sectors, terrified by repression and stunned by radio-television monopolies.
The crushing superiority of the monopolies of violence and propaganda assures fascism and imperialism an ideological supremacy that the simple theoretical criticism cannot fight. It also gives them inexhaustible reserves of “experts”, fanatics, cretins and scoundrels, many times superior in numbers to the agents of Resistance. All this, while at the same time they keep inexhaustible reserves of agents of repression and terrorism in the face of an illusory institutional path or armed struggle; which allows them to accept losses at par immediately repairable, while the adversary cannot neither quantitative or qualitative replace theirs. The structural asymmetry of the various factors in conflict makes it so that, for a People thirty times smaller than their predators, the ideological individual or “quantitative” confrontation is not only absurd but materially impossible.
Such confrontation is, with respect to fascist crushing propaganda, what “the institutional path” and the attempts are to thegovernment violence: a complete inanity, and holds the same possibilities and consequences. A continuous and priority case-by-case clash would give the triumph to the fascist strategy, through the sacrifice of a low quality and limited number of pieces, while would deplete the strength of the opponent, obliged in addition to burn agents of a higher qualification if he has got them.Now then, this does not prevent the fascism from establishing (as a logically discernible condition and result of the political domination, and – in any case – as recommended working hypothesis) that the ruling classes are or they are presumed to always be ideologically superior to the dominated ones: because of that they are respectively dominant and dominated. It would be more accurate to say that the colonized are or they are presumed to always be sillier than the colonists; difficult of understand though this may appear in view of the current elites.
“O God of battles! Steel my soldiers’ hearts; / Posses them not with fear; take from them now / The sense of reckoning, if the opposed numbers / Pluck their hearts from them.” (W. Shakespeare; King Henry V.)
The ignorance of the magnitude of forces in presence, invoked for his soldiers in this prayer that the Poet puts in the mouth of the English Monarch before the imminence of an unequal battle, could have had strategic sense in that rapport of forces and in that historical time;especiallybearing in mind that the demographic and political base of that King’s forces was guaranteed and safe in his own Country on the other side of the Channel. But in our case, quite to the contrary of that situation, it is the qualification of the militants and their lucidity in the accurate appreciation of the forces of occupation, repression and assimilation (forces that do virtually extend or are supported by the social totality of the dominant Nations), which must be enhanced to the fullest. To our misfortune, in our Country have been precisely its purported strategists who have fostered and practiced all the opposite: the concealment and ignorance of the forces in presence. It’s this way that the Pnv – nowadays “contrary to all violence” that is not the monopolistic violence of occupation – got already our Country into a suicidal war; and its corollary the Eta has tried to get it into another. This incapability of those purported strategists has led our People to a catastrophe, to a constant bleeding at the hands of the imperialistic Nationalism: that of the absolutism, of the primitive Fascism and National-socialism, and of their heirs in the Second Francoism.
Once the French imperialism did establish the model of modern totalitarianism after its nationalist Revolution, the Spanish imperialism – imitator of the French model – did also stated with the wars of the 19thcentury that the time of shared or restricted sovereignty had ended; that, whichever the formal or administrative variations might be, it would never again accept the division of the absolute political power. Since then on, false “equality” (that denied fundamental human rights), “freedom”(of the dominators to impose themselves on the dominated Peoples), “universal suffrage” (within the Spanish and French totalitarian “universe” imposed on our People through criminal violence), “nation and democracy”: concepts conveniently and ideologically manipulated and falsified, were the new titles of legitimacy alternately invoked that did cover the reality and continuity of French-Spanish despotism, totalitarianism and imperialistic Nationalism. But our Country refused to understand that the foral liquidation had been made not to introduce those fake freedoms, “the agreement and the pact”, but precisely to destroy the residual independence and establish a totalitarian integration; thus it continued waiting one hundred years for the foral restoration, as it is still nowadays waiting for the fascist régime to show “political will”. (¡¿Even more will?!)
Already in the 20th century, when the Republic did arrive (this time the Spanish one), it waited in vain for the “statute of autonomy”. After five republican years of repression, terrorism, closure of newspapers, voting and “estatutism”, the “strategists” of the Pnv and its satellites ceased to play at elections and democracies and, biting once more the bait, when Franco rose in rebellion they replaced the political realism by “christian-democrat pink dreams” and warmongering romanticism in order to throw the Country – without preparation and without having a single effective ally – into a lonely, “unforeseen”, improvised and suicidal war against the Axis Powers. (Disasters ranging from the offensive on Vitoria – anticipation of strategic errors such as the Battle of the Ebro or the Ardennenoffensive/Battle of the Bulge – to the “capitulation” of Santoña.)
A disastrous war for a People that has never recovered from the terrible losses suffered: fatal for those who were left in the mountains, murdered or crushed under the Axis bombs, imprisoned or enslaved because of their defending the freedom and the national entity or their speaking the Language of the vanquished, and also for those who had to seek shelter and livelihoods across the borders. The Basque People showed so its national vigour and desire but also its lack of maturity and political sense that left it decimated and powerless, with its vanguard executed, exiled and terrorized, diminished and weakened by the new totalitarian version of the constants of eight centuries conquest. The consequences exceed any weighting.
The ends and means constituting the centuries-old French-Spanish imperialistic domination were established with the maximum intensity by the practice of the Francoist régime, imposed by the military and oligarchic rebellion of 1936. And, again, counting on the impulse, stimulus, encouragement, justification, blessings and the full involvement of the Catholic Church in the totalitarian enterprise.
The fundamental objective of the Spanish and French imperialistic Nationalism is not only – as it has happened with other predators, other prey and in other places or conditions – the political, cultural or economic domination, or the more or less prolonged exploitation of the oppressed People, but the denial and liquidation of the Basque People as such. The variation and succession of different stages and phases, the functional acceleration or deceleration of the process, its brutal inflections and its periods of exploitation of the acquired advantages do not change anythingfor the case. The objective, the means, the historical strategy are the same, they have never changed, and get the adherence of almost all material and spiritual forces of the occupying States and their Peoples. (The reserve is established merely as a matter of principle, since the exceptions are individuals.)
Positioned to the achievement of such objectives, the monopolistic services of propaganda, information, disinformation, ideological intoxication and psychological warfare – whose effectiveness is multiplied by the modern media vehicles – maintain daily white-hot the nationalism, xenophobia and hatred of the masses against the oppressed Peoples.
The present imperial or hegemonic order and disorder of the 21st century are not those of the bipolar balance and nuclear terror of the 20th. Even in small areas, the “institutional” framework is not the same now that under the “liberal” State. Today’s world is not that of 1834 and the Basque Wars of Independence called “Carlist” Wars, nor that of 1936 and the rising warlike crisis, nor even that of 1975 and the institutional crisis of the Francoist régime. The attempts of the 21st century do not have the same meaning and the same treatment as the attempts of the 19th. Neither the integrated and comprehensive totalitarianism of the hypocrite successors and continuing agents of General Franco is the same residual and frowned upon military archaeo-totalitarism of its founder, accomplice and creature of the Axis. But, now as before, the alien power does only rely on the exploitation of its monopoly of criminal violence so as to completely destroy democracy, freedom, fundamental and inherent human rights, and above all the right of self-determination or independence of Peoples: first of fundamental human rights and prior condition of all the others. To ignore that these things are so is the normality of weak Peoples, unable to arrive on time to the decisive historical crossroads; which in policy amounts to never arrive.
The Peoples still subjugated by the imperialistic domination are politically and ideologically small and weak. Except in the case of particular or broader strategic constellations, the Resistance to imperialism, colonialism and fascism is the unequal struggle against an enemy which counts on far superior means of violence, terrorism and propaganda; on incomparably larger demographic and economic resources; and on far-reaching international complicities. In a world ordered or disordered by the violence and the rapport of forces, which is the only one that exists, the simple geopolitical consideration (“the space, the number, the resources”) shows that the fight for national freedom faced to criminal States, incomparably greater and stronger, has not in principle any chance of success. The many Peoples of all dimension and walks of life that have achieved independence against the imperialistic domination have almost always done it with the support, protection and patronage – more or less stable, permanent or circumstantial – of a relatively great Power; or taking advantage of the conflicts that face, balance or neutralize the great Powers between themselves. The protection from a great or middle Power appears in many cases as the only way or hope of salvation, and so the “protected independence” is shaped in a formal or real protectorate.
The general hostility of the “free” States and Peoples towards all oppressed People that fight for freedom is not only the result of the selfishness, the nationalist interest or the imperialistic and colonial instinct of domination. There also occur that the abstract ideas and images, the prejudices and the wall maps, do convey from the early childhood the administrative indoctrination, designed so as to enhance ignorance and contempt towards the other “non-existent” Peoples. Starting from there, the indifference and the lazy resistance – either from intellectuals, politicians or simple tourists – against any change that means having to leave the comfortable environment mentally inert and predictable: which thus was built and imbued in their consciences, do in particular reinforce the irritated rejection towards the small Peoples, “who make everything so complicated” (1).
(1)
During the summer of 1938, week-end meetings were held in England, at the Cliveden mansion, attended by a certain elite and the British conservative political class that supported the “policy of Appeasement” with Hitler. It was a group known as the ‘Cliveden Set’: an early precedent of a ‘think-tank’; and regular guests of it were the Primer Minister Chamberlain and his Foreign Secretary, Lord Halifax:
“Here, the Nazi Germany [as they could have said it – and no doubt they would say it – of the Francoist Spain: its ally and protégée, always respected by the ‘western democracies’] is considered a very useful battering ram against Bolshevism; in contrast, Czechoslovakia hardly has spokespersons at this meeting, so few as in the conservative press. In the summer of 1938, some British newspapers – such as the Daily Expressand the Daily Mail– reproached the Czechs for having taken too much time in making the necessary concessions, with which there was the danger of immersing the rest of the world in war; so, from this point of view the Czechs had lost much popularity. It was thought that it corresponded to them to make the necessary concessions to ensure peace in Europe; that it was them who put the world on the brink of war by striving to maintain that strip of land: ‘may they give the territory of Sudetenland to Hitler, and then he will leave the rest of the world in peace’, many people thought so. Among the guests of Cliveden there was also the Editor of The Times, Geoffrey Dowson, and at the beginning of June [1938] he writes in his editorial that the only possible way out is to yield the Sudetenland to the German Reich.”
Chamberlain was ready to pay the price demanded by Hitler for peace. Instead, the Czech Ambassador in London, Jan Masaryk, representative of the small European States, took a combative stance: “These dwarves [alluding to such small States] are carrying the banner of Liberty and the banner of God, and we are ready to defend it if necessary”.
(In his heroic determination, perhaps it was ventured to invoke the banner of God, which has always been much disputed. It has been verified all through History that everybody, no matter what he is ready to do so as to achieve what suits him best, takes it as its own or trusts in Him: Deus vult– God wants it; In God we trustetc. As it had been affirmed, “God is always on the side of the strongest battalions”. In any case, the German battalions had carried written in their helmets the inscription Gott mit uns: God with us, and continued carrying it in their belt buckles during II WW. In fact, their chaplains did not cease to remind this fact to the Wehrmacht soldiers, as a proof of the moral superiority of the Nazi sake. As it is known, on issues of ideology it is imposed the one of he who imposes his violence and is therefore able to impose and repeat his “truth” more times; it little matters that it be either in a cynical or fanatic way, provided that anyone able to bring it in evidence has been previously liquidated or gagged.)
Finally, by the Treaty of Munich of 1938, September the 29th: a result from the British policy of “Appeasement” that allowed Hitler appear as a peace-lover and continue gaining time (while Chamberlain waved jubilantly a worthless bit of paper with the former’s signature), “the Sudetenlands return to the great German Fatherland”, first step for the subsequent nazi occupation of the whole Czech State. (As the Premier was prophetically warned: “You were given the choice between war and dishonour. You chose dishonour, and you will have war.” What came a year later did confirm this in its worst predictions.) In any case, the military defeat of German nazism allowed a total liquidation of the colonial heritage of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nationin Bohemia-Moravia, as well as that of the Teutonic Knights and their Crusades obtained on Prussian-baltic Peoples; “arguments” that had served Hitler to invoke a falsified and imperialistic version of the right of self-determination.
The Peoples that do not build, preserve or – if it already exists – restore their own State, do not exist for the “international community” of the dominant States; they are impostors, “weak-minded”, or national and international delinquents. “A People that at this stage of History does not yet have its own State, does not deserve our losing time talking about it.” The only decent thing it can do – they seem to say others from among that “respectable community” – is to disappear, so as not to complicate the things to Engels or to make waste time to Hegel.
The race for the freedom or the destruction of those Peoples has already entered the home stretch, since space is being exhausted, time is running out, and the deadlines are met. Fascism is today the terminal, finished, necessary and inevitable form of imperialistic Nationalism; because the systematic enterprise of subjugation and liquidation of States, Peoples and Nations: which is meant to be absolute, total and final, cannot already continue without resorting to the more ‘sophisticated’ totalitarian forms of repression and ideological conditioning of masses, intrinsic to fascism. Thus, all pay the consequences of the imperialistic enterprise, because it ends by turning against the predatory Peoples themselves, since “A People that oppresses another People cannot be free”. The definitive victory of the imperialistic Nationalism implies, sometimes in a very short time, the irreversible and irreparable destruction of States and Civilizations, Nations and Races, and of pluri thousand-year-old Cultures and Languages.
For the small subjugated Peoples, the victory through disarmament or destruction of the enemy is impossible; only through National Resistance they can avoid the defeat and prevent the own destruction. There is but only one means for them to escape their fatal destiny; the dominant Nations do know it, although the dominated ones don’t always know or want to know it: the strategic qualification and general integration of the resources of their social basis in a coherent policy of democratic Resistance and National Salvation; and the construction or restoration of their own State Institutions. State institutionalization, and strategic qualification and implementation, are the only possible alternative to submission and genocide.
The eventual compensatory advantages that those Peoples can produce, in order to palliate their weakness, come from the use of elements that are favourable to them in the structural asymmetry of the imperialistic system of domination. They refer to the “moral” factors of conflicts, namely: motivation and conviction, determination and resolution, lucidity in the appreciation of the situation and forces in presence, correct intuition and perception of reality, and ability to react with initiative, decision, anticipation and adaptation. These are the cards that should have – that has or does not have – the National Resistance against the international imperialism, colonialism and fascism.
All small People – scarce in numbers, without resources, or politically and ideologically weakned – receives a similar treatment according to the vigour of its Resistance, and the affinities, circumstances and virulence of its predators. All this with the unconditional support of the UN (which have always betrayed their own formal regulations), of the EIU (which has not betrayed anything because it has always been what it is), and of the very Member States which signed the Charter. The “supra-national” Organizations are creations of the States, to which they serve in the repression of the human rights of Peoples. “The protection of human rights, and the human dimension of international or supra-national Organizations”, are hypocritical stories and sermons to fool the eternal naïve persons.
However, the functional foolishness that the imperialistic and fascist propaganda of masses broadcasts daily among its victims would not have possible validity, in a society where the freedom and the capacity of speech, criticism and information had not disappeared due to the repression of fundamental human rights. The setback of the scientific method, the extension and penetration of irrationality and obscurantism, the increasing gullibility of the masses are not only consequence but condition – and above all cause – of the advance of totalitarianism and imperialism; of the administrative conditioning, intoxication, manipulation and fabrication of the public opinion; and of the decline of freedom and democracy in contemporary societies. These factors are a significant part in the new terrorist and imperialistic global order who is being installed before our sight, and they are already manifesting with universal scope.
Anyway, the ideological weapon is certainly not the fundamental one for the imperialism. Imperialism and fascism are not acquainted with any other dialectic but that of cannons: they do know not, want not, cannot access any other. Ideology is only a reflection of its fundamental position and resolution, namely: to maintain the monopoly of violence at all costs and the State Terrorism against subjugated Peoples. Any attempt to modify them by theoretical criticism would be as effective as to explain the wolf why it should not eat the sheep; bearing in mind, moreover, that hunger is here intensified and multiplied by factors of nationalistic and terrorist hatred, ideology and psychology that have never hit such a noble animal.
Nothing, short of a Resistance of strategic-level, could contain the eagerness for extermination in the “great” homicidal and genocidal Peoples, predators of the human race. Imperialists and Fascists do not know any rationality or morality other than those that suit to their domination. Decency, honesty and humanity are feelings foreign to them. In their collective pathos, in theirhypocritical morality without honour and without shame, in their miserable, distorted and perverted national conscience there can only be place for contempt, hatred, cruelty, annihilation spirit, intention of vengeance and cruelty towards the oppressed Peoples. In reality, the conquest, the incorporation, oppression and repression, as well as the practical and theoretical xenophobia, are involuntary forms of recognition.
Apart from that, when the agents of the French-Spanish imperialistic Nationalism do lie on the most evident data of the sociological, historic and prehistoric reality of the Basque People; when they deliberately do hide the criminal – historical and social – foundations of their own power; or when they do carefully mask the hateful reality of repression, criminal Violence and Terror which constitutes it, they do not necessarily expect someone to believe them. For them, the blatant lie and falsification are first and foremost Regalian demonstration of power and impunity; agreed sign of identity; test and means of support; and understanding and solidarity between fascists. This is why, convinced as they are that all partialdistortion of the case could only damage them, their agents do prefer to save any complications and exploit the advantages of a totaldenial or falsification of the criminal fact, of the place, the time and the subjects: as it is known, the formally desperate or lost criminal causes do thus find a line of defence of a limited but verified efficiency.
Yet the fact, the subject and all the rest is that, in spite of the constant aggressions suffered, the Basque People continues to maintain in full force and actuality all their indefeasible and inalienable fundamental rights, particularly the rights of self-determination and self-defence, that no aggression or occupation at the hands of imperialism and colonialism can abolish regardless of the date of the subjugation or “territorial acquisition resulting from the threat or use of force”.
The crucial fact of the permanence of the Basque People in the territory that is its own, and of its also never-interrupted struggle for freedom, gives full legitimacy and validity to its occupied State, and are permanent and irrefutable plebiscite of its inalienable right of self-determination. Confronted with this permanent national, State and democratic reality, the only resource of the imperialistic and fascist régime of France and Spain is the maintenance of its monopoly of criminal Violence, and the strengthening of the Nationalist Front (all-trends-gathered) in support of the current fascist, administrative and police repressive paroxysm; a situation in which – as in the best timesof the Spanish asiatic despotism – “it’s not possible to speak or remain silent without danger”.
(From the work: ‘Euskal Herria and the Kingdom of Nabarre, or the Basque People and its State, against French-Spanish imperialism’.)
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