Ideology of the “Basque” collaborationism: “institutional path and armed struggle” (XXVI)

EUSKAL HERRIA AND THE KINGDOM OF NABARRE, OR THE BASQUE PEOPLE AND ITS STATE, AGAINST FRENCH-SPANISH IMPERIALISM

XXVI – Ideology of the “Basque” collaborationism: “institutional path and armed struggle”

Iñaki Aginaga y Felipe Campo

 

“O inglorious league!

Shall we, upon the footing of our land,

Send fair-play orders and make compromise,

Insinuation, parley and base truce

To arms invasive?” (W. Shakespeare; King John.)

With regard to “the space, the number and the resources”, the Basque is a small and necessarily peaceful People. Its weak defensive capacity corresponds to a poor index of internal and external aggressiveness; and its comparative low levels of “common” delinquency are a handicap of serious consequences for the international class struggle. The optimism inherent to the nationalist expansionism of warmongers and conquerors of all times did always point at it as an easy prey and scapegoat for the two “great” nations of prey that surround it; whose multi-centennial imperialism – continental and transcontinental – has plundered and murdered Races and Civilizations incapable to effectively resist the alien aggression, occupation and colonization of those nations.

The reduced dimensions of the Basque People put it, a priori, away of warlike whims against its imperialistic and colonialist neighbours and oppressors, of a much greater extension and which had outstanding traditions of warfare, conquests, repression and terrorism. But the Pnv: “contrary to all violence” other than the monopolistic violence of French-Spanish military occupation,  got already the Country into a war; and its corollary the Eta has intended to get it into another one. They just put a condition to do so: that they were lost in advance.

A politically primitive and subjugated society, such as this one, makes its instintive and spontaneous approach to the opposition against the imperialistic, colonialist and fascist régime of military occupation by two apparent ways, formally distinct but basically united and interactive, which part of its population does always prefer, rather than a real but difficult and problematic strategy and authentic but difficult and problematic strategy, given the conditions of repression and stultification of the masses estqblished by the monopolies of criminal violence and propaganda of the French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime, imposed on our People and our State, the Kingdom of Nabarre.

The first way seeks the solution in the field of the immediate and direct confrontation against the fascist monopoly of criminal violence that is the political base of the dominant power, and makes – or intends to make – it by the same means of this power; which, when the war is impossible, produces an armed revolutionary uprising or a succession of attempts: a romantic and infra-political form of violence, which in our Country has been going on for almost fifty years promoted by the Eta group under the name of “armed struggle”. The second form of spontaneous reaction reverses the procedures: the brute force and the attempts are replaced by “the intelligence, ability, patience, cunning and treachery”, and the direct way, by “the indirect, the detours and shortcuts, the political, institutional, peaceful, realistic, possibilistic, minimalist, gradualist, reformist, step by step, safe, comfortable, profitable, without enemies and without complications way”; ambiguous ways towards submission to the established power, promoted by the Pnv for sixty years now (1962) as a purported “institutional path”.

Both seemingly opposite paths are actually closer – and the passage from the one to the other is easier and more frequent – than some may believe. They are result and expression of the ideological and political failure. Starting from that point, every initiative of abandonment or liquidation – the greater, the better – of strategic positions is presented as the height of political wisdom and experience, the demonstration of the amazing capacity of the geniuses who promote them, whose eagle look allows them to see paths of progress and oasis of peace and fraternity there where the political evidence, analysis and synthesis quite make see all the opposite.

Now then, the spontaneity of masses: which correspond to this instinctive opposition in any of its manifestations, cannot provide the strategic qualification that it is imperative to opposeto “modern” imperialism, given its current and elaborate methods of totalitarian integration and ideological intoxication of masses. Indeed, the transformation of that spontaneous grass-roots force – which is the primary condition without which there is no opposition – into secondary ideological and organic structures, with the strategic qualification as its result (without which there is no possibility of any political efficacy), is the specific mission of a democratic and anti-imperialistic political class worthy of the name.

Yet, and to begin with, all the propaganda of the Pnv-Eta “official Basque political class” about “the institutional path and the armed struggle” (supposedly, against the French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime of military occupation over the Basque People and its State), aims instead to limit the scope of criticism against that régime; thus preserving at all costs the fundamental postulate of its democratic character. According to these bureaucracies of traitors, the criminal French-Spanish régime of imperialistic domination over the Basque People and its State is neither criminal nor imperialistic, it is democratic; and its totalitarian State is “the State” democratic and proper of the Basque People, which in reality does not exist because it is part of the Spanish or French peoples that are the only ones that exist. Whence the cause is definitely sabotaged and lost at the hands of the purported “Basque ‘intelligentsia’ and political class”: recuperated and corrupted by the ideology and venality of the “democratic” imperialism.

Thus, in the ideology of the collaboration and complicity with imperialism, the legality is called “institutional path” and – even better – “democratic way”; which means, once again, the denial of the reality of imperialism and the affirmation of the impossible “imperialistic democracy”. In its turn, the illegality is identified with the attempts, designated as “armed struggle or revolutionary war”. But being too clever by half and playing to everything – aiming to mislead everybody – is not as easy as they think. The deputies, senators and other representatives “democratically elected” in the conditions of the triumphant imperialism and fascism, which the Pnv-Eta group boasts about, involve already the recognition of the régime of military occupation as “democratic”: only in a régime of human rights and true democracy can the institutional path be democratic, and only in a democratic régime can be obtained representatives democratically elected.

Even more: those who denounce the “democratic deficit” of a régime are thereby affirming it as democratic, because only in a democracy there can be a democratic deficit. Those who denounce its democratic “regression” are affirming with this its previous democratic evolution, without which there can be no democratic regression. And those who speak of “democratic way” do affirm the democratic space in which it runs: without democratic space there is no democratic way.

When they denounce as “contrary to law and democracy” the measures that prevent them to vote and participate in the elections and consultations imposed by the régime of military occupation, they show with it that, for them, democracy “goes back” when they are not allowed to vote, participate etc.; but they consider irrelevant and in conformity to law and democracy the aggression, war, conquest, occupation, deportation, colonization, mass murder, State Terrorism, bombing of civil populations, pillage, linguistic and cultural oppression in which – for many years or centuries – that régime is based. They prefer to quietly pass over such minutiae because, otherwise, they would run the risk of disrupting the established power, thus losing the miserable privileges that this one gave them as a prize and encouragement to their loyal cooperation or complicity.

The supporters of the armed or unarmed “institutional path”, who have never understood the difference between attempts and political violence, between armed struggle and revolutionary war, have always coincided with the official propaganda of the fascist régime in the objective of hiding the reality of constituent criminal violence of the imperialistic régime. The incompetence and destitution – on the other hand evident – of the armed and unarmed institutionalists in political and ideological matters do not explain by themselves this “coincidence”, which is due to an objective and deep need: the Pnv and its armed and unarmed satellites cannot denounce the State Violence and Terrorism. Effectively, only the totalitarian régime and – “paradoxically” – the supporters of “the institutional path and the armed struggle” have interest in hiding the crushing reality of criminal violence and Terrorism of the established régime: the former, in order to strengthen and “justify” the repression against the “opposing violence”, which does so appear feignedly accredited and magnified; the latter, in order to give credibility to their purported strategy of opposition and hide that it is insignificant.

The negationism of the State Violence and Terrorism does effectively count on the collaboration and complicity of the indigenous armed and unarmed institutionalists, who cannot “disclose” the reality of the régime and have adopted the key-points of imperialistic ideology on this issue. Certainly, “revealing” the reality of criminal violence and State Terrorism: constitutive – from its very origins up to this day – of the established régime, would amount to showing the inanity of “the institutional path and the armed struggle” for opposing that overwhelming material superiority of the State monopolies of Violence and Terrorism.

The need to give credibility to “the institutional path and the armed struggle” leads its promoters by these means to the denial of the reality, for to so make Peoples believe – and perhaps believe themselves – that the imperialism and fascism, like the devil, do not exist. They hide even the very existence of the armed forces of the imperialism and fascism, which become “really” invisible or exceptional also for them, and instead they attribute political virtuality to the ridiculous masquerades of “elections, negotiations” etc., which they pretend to make pass as political opposition. They condemn the socially alienated Country also to mental alienation: only thus can they deceive the People and feed delusional dreams “to solve the conflict by persuasion and dialogue, negotiation and agreement between everybody in the total absence of violence”; all of that, “in this democracy we live in, where all means of repression and communication are in possession of the army”. In the end, they invent the political régime that may allow them to simultaneously preserve both their privileges and their delirious perspectives of “political change”, in a strange democracy that was not established nor preserved nor does behave democratically but that, according to them, is still a democracy. From this capital starting position, the official “opposition” struggles with a fundamental contradiction, with all its consequences.

Their “denouncements” do only affect because of that to the margins of Violence and Terrorism of the régime: to the article 8 of the Constitution; to the “illegal” violence of the Gal and the one which takes place in detention barracks, police stations or jails; to the “legalized or of response” violence; and to the torture and the purported “state of emergency”. Thus, the goal of them ALL is to hide the fundamental, normal andconstitutiveviolence of the régime of occupation.

Now then, if the violence they talk about is reduced to “marginal excesses” or to a purported “state of emergency in South-Euskadi”, then the fascism, the imperialism and their State cease to exist, and only just a moderate reform is needed to correct the “deficit of non-violence”; thus establishing a social aggregate fully non-violent, therefore apolitical. Whereupon the democratic State and all rights become extinguished by lack of adversaries. It is, clearly, what is tried to make believe to a public opinion conveniently and relentlessly conditioned to believe anything.

After having stupefied their victims for almost five decades, redounding on them the imperialistic propaganda of the Spanish “democratic and non-violent” régime, lo and behold that the “Basque non-violent moderates and violent radicals” of the Pnv-Eta bureaucracy do warn us of the “danger” of military intervention granted in the Spanish formal “Constitution”. But the warning arrives late, at least with twelve centuries of delay. In any case, after eight hundred years of military occupation with all its implications, one can wonder what else will need the cautious and forward-looking armed and unarmed “Basque moderate and radical leaders” to discover that the foreign army of occupation did “intervene” in our Country a long time ago; and that the Basque People and State have been “intervened” since then: whatever the juncture, the form of intervention or the formal constitutional variant in force may be. In this regard, it should not be forgotten that, even though all war and all law are founded on violence, this does not imply a permanent action or case-by-case of all the weapons available: “Neque semper arcum tendit Apollo”. (Just as neither under General Franco’s personal dictatorship did cannons and tanks practice continuous or systematic fire.)

In this way, the “incapacity” of the “moderate and radical leaders” to dismantle the formally absurd official version of the “democratic non-violent” régime (for its greater apologia “threatened”, according to them, due to the danger of a “military intervention”) contributes to its dissemination and implementation of masses. Whether everything is the result of stupidity, bad faith or pure deliberate lying, the result is similar.

The “Constitution, laws, freedom, democracy, coexistence, plurality, human rights and non-violence” which they talk about are the despotism, oppression and monopoly of criminal Violence, the terror and mental conditioning of the popular masses. To veil, poison their minds and prevent them from becoming aware of their situation is the goal of the imperialistic ideology, which its agents do strive to disseminate every day: because of their vital link with the criminal imperialistic enterprise, the ones; and for fear they should lose their miserable personal and corporate privileges, the others; which the indigenous “moderate and radical” collaborationists fear will happen if they even bother their masters or refuse to comply with their sad and abject role. The farthest point these ones are able to reach: since somehow the attention of the masses is to be diverted from their own blatant occultation-negation of the fascist reality, is up to “denounce” the “dirty war” (as opposed to a “clean” war and repression that – according to what they seem to indicate – would be fully democratic, fair and legal), the attempts and “ileGAL” detentions, the dispersion of prisoners in distant gaols, and the torture of arrested persons in police stations, or the “democratic deficit” implied in “the special legislation and state of emergency”.

They claim, with tireless insistence, that in the face of the – infrapolitical – violence of their attempts there are “the attempts, the dirty war” and “the violence of the Gal”. But the “attempts”, the “dirty war” and the violence of the Gal are a negligible and normal complement of a supposed and correlative “clean war”; are a tiny and accessory part of the established régime, constituted by criminal violence of a strategic level. To hide or launder the fundamental criminal violence, giving political prominence to “the attempts and the dirty war” of the Eta and the Gal in the face of the “clean war” of repression, is the task of the fascist organs of ideological intoxication, with the full and unfailing participation of the Pnv-Eta group. Whatever it may be which they understand by “clean war”, the victims, “the attempts and the dirty war” of the French-Spanish joint Terrorism hide eight centuries of dirty war, invasion, crimes and victims at the hands of the imperialism, which have constituted the present régime. (The concept of “dirty war”, correlative of a purported “clean war”, allows to limit and hide the foundation of the régime of occupation, established by means of the wars of aggression and the permanent aggression.)

The “non-violent” members of the PNV and the “military” ones of the Eta hide the reality of criminal Violence imposed in our Country by the French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime of military occupation, and follow the tradition of the French and Spanish doctrinarians and constitutional fathers, who “have never had it very clear” about the place of criminal Violence against fundamental human rights, and other “insignificant” factors that have intervened in their constituent processes.

What the afore-mentioned “constitutional” texts do really mean is that the Pnv-Eta bureaucracy, and its patrons and accomplices, defend the monopoly of criminal Violence of the French-Spanish régime of military occupation of our Country, which was established and is maintained through that Violence and Terror of the war of aggression, conquest and occupation of our Country; through the deportation, colonization, extortion and exploitation of our People; through the violation of fundamental human rights and in the first place of the right of self-determination of all Peoples: first of fundamental human rights and precondition of them all; and through crimes of war, crimes against peace and crimes against humanity.

According to the armed and unarmed collaborationists and accomplices, the terrorist constituent violence of the occupation régime is thus reduced to the “illegal” acts of the Services of the régime, and to the terrorist ille-Gal “attempts””; which they affirm in order to accredit by reference the role of “the institutional path and the armed struggle”. The Pnv-Eta propaganda “denounces” “the violence and torture practiced in police stations, barracks and prisons”. But such “denunciation” is the most insidious ideological denial and evacuation of the real structure of criminal violence of the imperialistic system of domination.

It is curious and significant that the supporters of the “individual terrorism” present themselves as marxist-leninists; which shows the fictional character of such appeal. Because, if they’d comply with this ideology that they claim to keep, they would know that the political violence does not simply occur in the State; and that prisons, barracks and police stations, the State and the occupied territories, as a whole, are not only places where, eventually, deplorable and reprehensible acts of violence may occur. “They are” violence in themselves, they consist ofand are constituted by permanent violence, with or without brutal physical abuse added inside or outside them. A non-violent prison, police station, barracks or State are a contradiction in terms, a pure conceptual nonsense. But such nonsenses do admirably serve the ideological-political purposes of imperialism and fascism.

Yet, this reality of terrorist violence of the imperialism is not always perceived by the dominated classes: “They come as they came with Canovas and Franco, now unarmed but with the same intention of attacking the Basque nationalism”. “They want to achieve the same as Franco did, but now without weapons, with law and institutions, in this democracy in which we live, where all means of repression and communication are in the hands of the army.” “We will achieve our ends not by violent means but by the vote; unless they come with the cannons”; “unless they come with the pistol”. “If they mean to follow like this, it’s better for us to withdraw from political life and let them bring the tanks in.” Etc. etc. (X. Arzalluz.)

This “description” of the de facto régime, established and maintained – as it is intended – “without violence, without weapons, without cannons and without tanks, with law and institutions, vote and dialogue”, has as its only aim: either through the hypocrisy or stupidity of its backers, to hide once more the origins and reality of such a régime; and to present violence, weapons, cannons and tanks as potential or exceptional, as an irrelevant past or – at all events – possible future, as a latent risk or threat. Nevertheless the armies, cannons and tanks came here long ago and did never go out: on them is founded the present régime of military occupation. These absurdities imply the denial of the reality of imperialistic and fascist criminal violence; they do stubbornly conceal and deny the essential role of that criminal violence, constituent of  imperialism and fascism.

Such propositions can be only explained by the ideological level which the dominated classes have been reduced to. After forty years of media brain-washing and ideological intoxication of masses, a part of the population does not even perceive criminal violence constituent of the wars of aggression and of the régime of armed occupation along eight centuries. “If we mention the Eta, we must also include the Gal and the torture at the hands of the Civil Guard”, they say as a “great” statement. (Pete Cenarrusa, former Secretary of the State of Ohio.)

A curious overseas-State warning, which so neatly excluded the State terrorism and that, in addition, did not even have consequences, since the originating motion was immediately and abruptly withdrawn after the ensuing transcontinental fascist-imperialistic intervention-reaction, in full vibrant phase of the Trio – actually Quartet – of the Azores.  But, above all, a curious “denouncement of all violence coming from where it may come”, which is limited to the formal or real attempts, and which leaves away from any consideration the criminal violence constituent of the imperialistic political régime, which is therefore accepted and recognized. It should be remembered that torture is only a very small part in the day-to-day work of the Civil Guard; work whose legitimacy, necessity and effectiveness the Pnv does publicly recognize and claim: “Let them search farmhouse by farmhouse!” (Arzalluz.) As in Algeria under French imperialism, the rhetorical condemnation of torture serves to conceal the support for fundamental criminal violence, which makes it possible and “necessary”.

That transcontinental “recognition of the right of self-determination of the Basque People”, immediately after “explained” by Zenarruza himself as “the right to vote and decide”, ended once again embarrassing stampede. It once again appeared as counterfeiting and denial of the right of a Basque Nation and State, which implicitly – we could also say explicitly – were declared non-existent; as de facto and de jure recognition of the Nations and States that subjugate them; as exaltation of the imperialistic and fascist Terrorism, and as condemnation of all democratic policy. In this way, the presidential and enforceable petitio principii of the neo-hegemonic imperialism and fascism resulted reinforced, according to which “all Spaniards must unite against terrorism” (G. ‘Bomber’ Bush). Up to this point are they brought by bad faith, superficiality and confusion of the ideas, when dealing like this: without basis or rationale, in matters of violence (without being able to distinguish between the legitimate violence and the criminal one), self-determination and democracy.

The imperialistic ideology uses the individual attempts – consequence of the despair and the political incapability in which are maintained the victims of Despotism and Terrorism – as a pretext to hide the reality of criminal Violence and Terrorism that constitutes the fascist and imperialistic domination. The new offence of “terrorism”: expurgated and adapted according to the needs of fascism and imperialism, is the universal incrimination which serves as a carrier to the dominant propaganda. In it, the term and idea typical and traditional of ‘terrorism’ have been modified so as to exclude the imperialistic States, which are its main actors. The UN have thus abandoned the law that they formulated during the wave of decolonisation in the Third World in the context of the Cold War, and they have afterwards endorsed the monopolies of criminal Violence and Terror of the imperialism and fascism. (This issue will be more widely treated in our work work ‘Violence and Terrorism.- Their ideological mystification at the service of Imperialism’.)

The treatment that the “Basque” armed and unarmed institutionalists apply to the issue of Violence and Terrorism is fundamentally the same that it receives in the propaganda of the press and radio-television which openly serve to French-Spanish imperialism, colonialism and fascism. All of them, who proclaim themselves non-violent democrats, condemn the attempts; but they support and conceal the criminal, original and eminent Violence of the wars of aggression, as well as the State monopolies of the armed forces that installed and constitute the imperialistic régime in our Country.

The mere annotation of the reactionary pieces of nonsense about Violence and Terrorism, with which the propaganda of the “Basque” armed and unarmed institutionalists intoxicates daily their long-suffering and helpless victims under the protection of the fascist monopolies of violence and propaganda, illustrates the degree of mental decomposition and moral perversion of the lunatics, hypocrites and the opportunists who utter them.

The strategy is a dynamic expression, motor and consequence of the rapport of forces. A political proposition in strategic terms implies the explanation and/or understanding of the political reality, of its fundamental social contradictions, and of its structure of ends and means, of antagonistic causes and effects; all of which is impossible to reach starting from the ignorance or denial of object and method to be applied in that study. And yet it’s precisely these: which are the fundamental issues of this People’s history, which are absent in the propaganda of the “Basque institutional armed or disarmed opposition”. By denying and hiding with some success the reality of criminal violence of the established imperialistic and fascist régime, the armed and unarmed “Basque” institutionalists make it impossible all strategic opposition because it is not possible to fight what is considered non-existent. The armed and unarmed “Basque” institutionalists deny the real world which they live in, and replace it with an imaginary and phantasmagorical environment ordered by ridiculous legal and illegal rituals, by illusionist institutional processes which they present as fundamental political practices.

The Peoples do only mobilize themselves for great causes, and at all events for national Freedom; they don’t do it for purposes that do not deserve it. A subjugated People can have consciousness of its national, political, historical and sociological reality, without thereby reaching access to the political “momentum”, that is: to the status of an actor of strategic level, which is THE ONLY thing that empowers it to be the protagonist of its own policy. It’s just that policy, either it gets to express itself as a strategy, in a strategic function; or else it is nothing at all.

The People that lacks its own strategy does necessarily and inevitably make that of the others. That’s why if a People already subjugated under imperialism does not face the strategic imperative, that is, if it does not develop its will of national freedom within a strategy of its own: the solereality that qualifies it permanently for the international ideological and political struggles, then sooner or later it is fatally doomed. And this even though it gets shaken and exhausted in permanent actions, affirmations, researches or performances – either folkloric, social, historical or cultural etc. – of an infrastrategic level; as is the case of those in this Country who understand politics only as an annual repetition of deeds, memories etc.

Without its own and authentic strategic base, and in the society ideologically and psychologically sick and battered that corresponds to a People subjugated under an absolute imperialism (Nationalist, colonialist and of military occupation for centuries as it is the Spanish and French one on the Basque People), its opposition: diverted, lost and blocked by a purported ‘intelligentsia’ and an incompetent, corrupt and recuperated “political class”, is fatally depleted, degraded and disintegrated. The “performances” of those sub-classes: consisting of opportunism, demorization, demobilization and inhibition, lead to submission, collaboration, complicity and betrayal in an accelerated and irreversible process of political liquidation, lethal to all democratic opposition.

A subjugated People that, under the monopoly of criminal violence resulting from war and military occupation (whether it be foreign or domestic), is unable to face morally and materially the reality of imperialism and fascism, has already chosen submission, the first phase of its liquidation. If, preferring illusions to reality, it does not want to or cannot see and face the strategic imperative, no one will do it for its sake.

In policy, and in the face of the reality of imperialism and fascism, the mere will of the Peoples does not count at all, unless they are able to constitute the force/violence: strategically structured, with which they can achieve their will. The People that – as a basis and structure of its behaviour – renounces to the strategic imperative, or that lacks its own strategy, does inevitably adopt the strategy and make the policy of imperialism and fascism; the rest is verbiage.

Without a strategy there is no policy; and the purported Basque political class: formed by the liquidationist bureaucracy Pnv-Eta and its satellites and branches, for nearly fifty years at least, it is not that it has a wrong strategy, it is that it has none except that of the established French-Spanish imperialistic power. Misguided by such a “political class”, all the popular virtuality of the Basque People has been ruined by cultural, ideological and political backwardness, primitivism and under-development, thanks to the decisive contribution of the “moderate and radical”, armed and unarmed institutionalists.

Without a strategy, there is no tactic either: the tactical options, which only in the strategic approach do exist, disappear with the ruin of the latter. Only an opposition strategically different from the imperialism allows to fight it from within and from without, “legally” and illegally. A strategy with some authentic content can to a greater or lesser extent be wrong; but its own dynamics and its effect: ideological and politically integrative, are already an invaluable advance over the absence of strategy.

In the world in which we live there are no tricks, shortcuts, detours or solutions of easiness that allow the popular forces to make the economy a strategic line in compliance with the reality of the forces in presence; and – as all Peoples of the World have understood – apart from national independence guaranteed by a State of its own, there is no substitute that can ensure the national pervivience of a People which has been subdued by imperialism. He who has not yet learned of this, is a mortal danger to the social group that he claims to represent or defend.

Unfortunately, the modern history of the Basque People is an exponent of its recurring difficulty and inability to access the strategic level a– and even to understand the very nature of policy – under the new conditions created by the “modern” imperialism-totalitarianism of Spaniards and French: the usual predatory Peoples and States. In such circumstances, the Basque “intelligentsia” and purported political class were unable even to understand the nature of the new ideological falsifications and weapons against the freedom of Peoples, which emerged from the very beginning of the Contemporary Age against the freedom of Peoples; and of course to provide our People with any protection against them.

Created and updated those ideological falsifications and weapons by theorists of dominant and predatory Peoples and States, such mystifications were immediately adopted to conceal and “legitimize” the French and Spaniards’ imperialism; whose eternal and criminal imperialistic and colonialist Nationalism: camouflaged now as “liberty, equality, fraternity, human rights and democracy” according to the ideological manipulations created by the “French revolution”; and as “socialism and communism” according to those by the “Russian revolution”, was accepted and assumed by the incompetent and undermined “Basque ruling classes”, and passed on by them onto the Basque People for its confusion and weakening.

The simple consideration of his cultural products makes it possible to appreciate that our People has not lacked chroniclers and documentarians rather than historians, or ethnographers rather than sociologists, and that it has had philologists rather than linguists, petty lawyers and administrators rather than jurists, and theologians and moralists rather than politicians; but the strategic question: which isthe ultimate object of the applied art and science of war and policy in general, has been constantly ignored. Instead, idealistic speeches, wishful thinking, fairy tales, pink novels and romantic poems occupy the official literature and speeches. Campion and Arana-Goiri unfortunately did not escape this sad reality.

In the political, economic and cultural conditions that followed the conquest of our Country and State by French-Spanish imperialism, the absence of a proper and genuine school of social sciences is cruelly noted, and this has never been remedied. Instead, all the “Basque institutionalist” factions: vitally linked to the French Spanish imperialistic régime of military occupation, have a glaring interest in keeping our Country in the cultural and ideological under-development; which is the effect – and in its turn the cause – of political under-development.

Politically fettered, and ideologically gagged by international fascism, the Basque People has shown again, over the last fifty years corresponding to the Second Francoism, its strategic incapability to face French-Spanish imperialism. Its political intelligence: encumbered by under-development and perversion of culture, and dulled by alien domination and indigenous collaborationism, is now so deteriorated that it prevents it from understanding – when it needs it most – the very nature of policy and of imperialism.

Ideological absurdities and food for fools such as “the institutional path and armed struggle, non-violence, the right to life as a sacred and supreme value, dialogue and persuasion as means to solve political problems” etc. do highlight the backwardness of the so-called political class with regard to the situation and real capacity of the People which they claim to represent, to which they have reduced to the ideological and political helplessness, division and nullity. They have thus ruined both the illegal and the legal Resistance, which they have deprived of any strategic reference. In this way, the democratic revolution resulted in fascist reformism and in electoral and parliamentary cretinism. “Institutional” cretinism, and “armed” infantilism, do not integrate two terms of a political alternative; they are, by a constitutive deficiency, the same thing.

Faced to the imperialism and fascism, the institutional collaboration and the attempts do not have the slightest chance of success. The institutional path, which aims to tame the occupant through submission, collaboration and complicity in its crimes, only manages to increase the contempt that the servile and corrupt aborigines inspire the conqueror. As for the attempts, whose own inability makes them politically harmless, they do only exasperate the natural ferocity, irritation, impatience and xenophobic fury of the predator.

The “Institutional path” and the “armed struggle” were the lethal substitute offered to the Basque People by the bureaucracies that sought to lead it, after having abandoned and liquidated – since the Pact of Munich in 1962 – the strategy of national-State institutionalization on which the democratic unity of its popular forces had been founded. A unity that had been possible only on the basis of the strategic opposition to imperialism, and whose restoration: impossible starting from the liquidation of that opposition, has never been achieved ever since; there having been produced on the contrary the greatest division and most complete lack of communication between the members of the independence movement, along with unprecedented international disrepute. The basis for the consolidation of the Second Francoism was thus established at the cost of the liquidation of an authentic national and democratic opposition – both qualities are inseparable – of the Basque People.

Under such conditions, the new official “opposition”: from the traditional Pnv to the Eta (along with their several satellites, branches and agencies in general), do constitute a joint conglomerate. Their commonly used designations – imposed or accepted by them all – of “right-wing and left-wing abertzale”, show that their components do mutually recognize in their respective policy and ideology. The functional complementarity of “Basque moderates and radicals” makes them ideal “rivals”: each group arising as a remedy to the ineptitude and inability of the other.

Both groups do produce and reproduce each other, and do feed on the genetic waterwheel of a continuous, if not perpetual, motion that produces supporters of “the armed struggle and revolutionary war” with the disillusioned and desperate castoffs – frustrated, bounced and renegaded – from “the institutional democratic path”; and that reproduces supporters of “the institutional path” with the desperate and disillusioned castoffs – frustrated, bounced and renegaded – from “the armed struggle and revolutionary war”. The institutional frustration propels the attempts. The failure of the attempts brings back to the institutional path. Asymmetrical and badly balanced recurrence, of an inevitable evolution and fatal outcome.

The political sub-class in functions of collaboration has bled and exploited this Country for fifty years. Half a century of “Basque institutional democratic path and revolutionary armed struggle” has decimated its human, cultural and economic resources; obstructed and destroyed the conditions, means and sources of its political opposition; and concluded with all freedom of communication and critical expression, with all initiative and innovation, for the benefit of the ideological fanaticism, obscurantism, dogmatism, inertia and fascism. And if that wasn’t enough, “the institutional path and the armed struggle” do also allow to hide the reality of the fascist régime, serve its propaganda, dose the “democracy”, cultivate vain illusions of an imaginary political world, and develop the corruption, cronyism and creation of social layers entirely dependent of the “autonomous” Administration and ready to anything so as to preserve it.

The result is the collapse of the democratic process and the paralysis without remission of the forces of freedom; the freezing of its expansion, limited to politically under-developed areas; and the inevitable demoralization of the masses, invariably frustrated and betrayed, reduced once more to expectations as false as disabling and catastrophic. The official opposition of “the Basque moderates and radicals” has disabled, demoralized and made look ridiculous the popular forces, up to take them to feel the burden of guilt and shame of their national identity. The multi-format corporate and bureaucratic octopus of “the Pnv-Eta moderates and radicals” has seized among its tentacles the social body of our People, does insatiably devour its vital organs, consumes its vital forces, and destroys beforehand all strategic virtuality.

“The institutional path and the armed struggle” are demonstrations and supplementary instruments of the incapability of the Basque People in order to gain access to the strategic level that allows it to be a real ideological and political agent. They are excuses, alibis and provocations that play into the hands of the State’s repression and Terrorism. Neither the “political and institutional path”, i.e. the “elections” etc. (which the accomplices of the imperialism present as “democratic and non-violent”), nor its consequence, complement and corollary, that is “the armed struggle and the revolutionary war” (which is to be understood as the individual attempts), neither together nor separated, have strategic entity to fill the political vacuum against the imperialistic and fascist occupation and terrorism.

Indeed, if there is no real political base for implementing a strategic opposition to imperialism, “the strategy of the armed struggle and the institutional path” is an absurdity of pitiful consequences. And if such a base exists, then the absurdity of resorting to such procedures is much greater and the consequences all the more regrettable, serious and disastrous; but its added cost is an additional catastrophe that blocks up the routes of political consciousness, action and restoration. Both “ways” exclude all real political alternative to imperialism and fascism. “Institutionalism” and attempts are expression and result of the imperialistic military occupation and political conflict that oppress our Country; but they are also a product and alibi of the political incapability and of the strategic submission, collaboration and complicity of the Pnv-Eta “Basque political class”.

“The institutional path” and its corollary and complement, “the armed struggle”, are not an error in the democratic policy of national liberation. They are the abandonment of the policy of national liberation, and the devious integration in the imperialistic policy of liquidation of the Basque People. They are the ruin of the very idea of national freedom and democracy, and the falsification of the fundamental and inherent right of self-determination or independence of all Peoples, in order to adapt it to the fascist régime – that they describe as democratic and non-violent at the same time – through its fraudulent replacement by a “right to decide” that they have invented, in a vain effort to obtain the benevolence and approval of the imperialism towards a project “compatible”, acceptable, reconcilable, negotiable, recuperable and assimilable for what they call “the State”, that is: the criminal, imperialistic, colonialist and fascist French and Spanish States that the collaborationist aborigines and “Basque” accomplices of the imperialism recognize as their own. They are a death trap, a dead-end without an exit nor hope of finding it.

“The institutional path and the armed struggle” do not lead to the national freedom of the Basque People, they inexorably lead to its liquidation. Their supporters have reduced the Basque popular forces to a strategic ruin. The result of half a century of ideological-strategic sabotage is the political defencelessness of the Basque People: without a pilot, compass or rudder, it is a cork at the mercy of the waves in the sea of imperialism. Half a century of lies, futile delusions and vain hopes have led to their own, inevitable and terrible consequences.

Such procedures are the product of a fantastic view of policy and a romantic view of history, which turn the own experience into a useless one and ignore or misrepresent the example of the others. The “big Pnv”: all its satellites included, is the auxiliary, necessary, sold or manipulated instrument, which the imperialism has used to maintain the Basque People in the strategic subservience and inactivity during that decisive period. The real objective of the Pnv and its satellites, under cover of the established régime, is the quench, exhaustion, freezing and corruption of the Basque People’s popular forces.

The armed and unarmed institutionalists are an inexhaustible and opencast mine for the teams of “research”, provocation and infiltration of the established régime, which penetrate into them as the knife into butter. The “elections, demonstrations, talks, negotiations” and the arrests of the eve prepare the information, repression, torture, confessions and revelations “of the next day”, without a pill that can do anything about it. Political Party of the abandonment and betrayal, the Pnv and its satellites are the auxiliary “political” arm of propaganda and repression of the civil guard, the fifth column and the service of information and provocation that the traditional despotism financed, and that the Second Francoism obtains for free. “Let them search farmhouse by farmhouse!” (Xabier Arzalluz, President of the Pnv.)

“At some point they will have to negotiate”, or “this looks like going on for two hundred years” repeat – radical and eager – the converts from “the armed struggle and the eight years Plan of liberation and national unification”, which are now pacifist-realist-minimalist-optimist; to whom the Pnv burukide (leaders), with full awareness and cynical shamelessness of their own reality, do perversely recall the way as they have undergone to the “kneeler” of the régime “with a double genuflection” (Josefa Egibar).

The Pnv-Eta group has hidden for half a century the political reality in the conditions of the French-Spanish imperialism.  In the interval of forty years of long marches and counter-marches, of purported detours and shortcuts, persuasion and dialogue, electoral victories and historical negotiations, the rapport of forces has been incessantly modified in benefit of the imperialism, the problems have but grown worse, and the strategic question is still pending, under conditions incomparably worse than the former ones.

The most notable, meaningful and shameful is that the purported political class in this Country: from the official Pnv to the Eta, participates actively and fully in the propaganda of the fascist régime, and confirms and redounds every day upon the Country its deceptions, myths and falsifications about violence, human rights, freedom and democracy. Still today, the “abertzale right and left, moderates and radicals, violents and non-violents”, foregather in the denial or apology of the imperialism; promote, lead and reproduce “the democratic path, the campaigns and electoral triumphs, the non-violence, persuasion, dialogue and negotiation as means to achieve political goals”; and they hide the constitutive criminal violence and terror of the French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime, incompatible with any kind of dialogue and persuasion others than those that lead to the destruction of the dominated Peoples. As in the 1930s (but in much more precarious conditions yet), “unaware” of what is coming up, they keep playing to the imperialistic and fascist “deficient democracy”; beautify and disguise the reality; spread the historical oblivion and the most dire and disabling illusions; and make drowsy, prepare and condition the scapegoat – defenceless, unconscious, inert and unarmed – which offers the neck for the slaughter.

Against all evidence, the optimistic charlatanism, the cheap demagoguery and the delirious propaganda of “the Basque moderates and radicals” pretend to incessantly make believe that the imperialism and fascism fall back before the institutional path and the armed struggle; that “we are winning”; that by “non-violent democratic means” the conquered People is about to regain – against the not less democratic and peaceful imperialistic and fascist régime of military occupation – the lost freedom; that “next year we will celebrate here the independence”; that “we are going to make them bite the dust of peace”; that “in five years we will have our independent State in Europe” through dialogue and the process of peace in the absence of any violence: violence their own, of course, since – as is known – the French-Spanish fascist régime according to them is non-violent.

If, despite all the analysis and all the warnings, someone has been deceived, it is because those now shocked and scandalized “leaders” have been for half a century endeavouring to obtain the mystification of the public opinion, and using all means of exclusion, defamation and repression that the fascism put at their disposal in order to silence all revelation and criticism likely to bring into evidence the pseudo-democratic game that they themselves were developing. It's just that misinformation, stultification and alienation of public opinion are for “the Basque moderates and radicals” an absolute necessity. Only in this way can they hide before their addicts both the inanity of what they call “institutional path or armed struggle”, as means of changing the political régime of occupation; as well as the reality of the wretched function that they assume at its service. Only thus can they benefit from the advantages of the fascist régime that with hypocrite reservations they do accept and recognize as democratic, and of which they are ideologically and politically inseparable. The Pnv-Eta “political class” has never had – and continue without having – the slightest idea of finding the way out of the situation that have so much contributed to establish and maintain, nor the slightest intention of trying it.

To hide the fundamentals, nature and consequences of the political conflict that the Basque People is facing under the French-Spanish imperialism and fascism; to divert the attention towards the marginal agents and the vicissitudes of the political catastrophe of the past fifty years; to hide and destroy the basic conditions for the impementarion of a democratic opposition of strategic level againt imperialilsm; to deny the reality and the fundamental function of the popular Resistance and – at the same time – to deny the reality of imperialistic fascism and military occupation; to cover up the strategic liquidation of the Basque policy of liberation from fascist imperialism with ridiculous and expensive substitutions that they have invented; to falsify and ruin, theoretically and practically, the right of self-determination of all Peoples, which they have replaced with a phantasmagorical “right to decide” with the illusion or the pretext of making it “acceptable” for the imperialism in power; to hide the decisive role that the Pnv-Eta agents have played in the disaster; to cover up the consequences of the institutional struggle and armed struggle so as to continue in the same line of fabulation, recuperation and deception of the People; and to close off any political way out for our People: such are the purposes and the theoretical and practical implications – impossible to overestimate – entailed in half a century of collaborationism maintained by the agents of the liquidationist bureaucracy Pnv-Eta and its satellites. To maintain those objectives is the only way that remains to their agents and clientele in order to preserve some part of their bureaucratic and corporate advantages under the fascist régime of military occupation, of which they are inseparable.

The bureaucratic group Pnv-Eta is inseparable from the régime in which it has emerged and developed. Being – as it is – a bureaucratic and corporate group, it has as fundamental objectives the conservation and reproduction of its own entity; which it can only achieve through its own adaptation and incorporation to the régime in which it has been formed. Its agents and beneficiaries have long ago accepted the imperialistic régime as the sole and immutable political reality: they are factors of its stability and permanence, do move in it as fish in the water, and do not have any idea nor any intention either of doing anything to change it. They form a social layer determined to do whatever in order to preserve the privileges that they owe to fascism in power. The Basque People and its rights (not to mention its own State: which they do not recognize while admitting on the contrary the Spanish – or French – occupying State as their own one) are concepts and terms that they in practice do not mention at all, and that they replace with “the population” or “the citizenry”. For them, our Country is only the lode to exploit and squeeze on their own account until its total exhaustion; at least as long as there lasts the credulity and naivety of the Basque People: abducted by their propaganda from the media of the régime that they have at their service.

The Pnv-Eta “moderates and radicals” do prefer the continuation of imperialism and fascism: in which they are integrated since 1977-79, rather than a democratic ideology and policy, which would endanger the established power and its accomplices. Their individual, corporate and bureaucratic interests have led them to consolidate the “reconciliation” with the French-Spanish imperialism in power, and to fear and reject all intention of a genuine ideological and political opposition against them. And if – correlatively – the concepts and terms of ‘imperialism’, ‘fascism’ and so many others have also disappeared from their propaganda, it is because they need to adopt the corresponding ones of the “peaceful democracy with deficit, albeit reformable”, of the Spanish transitive fascism in which they have decided to integrate. In order that the Pnv-Eta “policy” of “elections, persuasion, dialogue and negotiation” may have “sense and prospects”, it is necessary that the imperialism and fascism do not exist. And since the reality is what it is, it is up to the “Basque” local auxiliaries to hide it.

As for the Eta group, if a sector continues to resist the abandonment of the attempts unless they obtain the conditions of an “honourable” surrender that allows them to save face, it’s because nobody ignores the real content of the operation in spite of all the weak subterfuges, alibis and cables that are being held out or offered to them. The attempts are not a means of struggle against the imperialism, nor a means of raising the awareness and excitement of a stupefied People, as their promoters and supporters have shamelessly asserted: they are simply the only means that they have found so as to keep deceived and controlled the People of which they are serving themselves for their own corporate purposes and interests.

Despotism, imperialism and fascism have such manifest characteristics that trying to disguise them as democracy would be a lost enterprise: even before the less skilled professional or amateur criticism. However, the Pnv-Eta joint “opposition”, because of their deliberate and perversely stubborn both “technical” ineptitude as well as political will (and counting on the media monopoly of befuddling of masses that they have at their disposal), has established such a fraud in our Country, namely: that the Imperialism and the Spanish Fascism that continues under the Second Francoism is democracy; to the point of annulling any attempt to publicly call into question the “democratic” condition of the the Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime of military occupation which they are fundamentally attached to since 1977-1979, when they joined the Second Francoism. A régime that since then until today they are holding as the régime and “the State” of their own, non-Nationalist, non-violent, legitimate and democratic. Even in the last few days we have had to endure that the jeltzale Erkoreka, acting as spokesman for the “Basque government” and on “Basque” television, describes the removal of dictator Franco’s mummy as “a wise, satisfactory decision, insofar as it puts an end to a situation that was absolutely untenable in a democratic State”.

The Pnv-Eta conglomerate cannot and does not want to leave its present condition because it has nowhere to go; unless it makes a review of such a scope that it would be the end of its entity and identity. Their own corresponding corporate and bureaucratic structure does itself prevent them from and closes any possibility of evolution or adaptation: either ideological or political. As far as the puppets of the Pnv-Eta group are concerned, they don’t ask already for something better than to continue in this situation of morass, ruin and strategic liquidation of the democratic forces of the Basque People and its occupied State.

Obsolete – due both to the force of things and to the march of times – the lode of the “social-national and class-nation” dualism, as well as the cock-and-bull story of the class struggle and the national-socialist and communist revolution to Spanish style, there is no doubt that the current ideological “conversion” of the imperialistic and fascist Government, political Party and policy of Francespain into “democratic and non-violent” transvestites (up to the point of becoming widely accepted), has been the central theme of the propaganda and psychological warfare of the régime of occupation in the last years. The fascism has counted for it on multitude of complicities; but that of the Pnv-Eta group has been and continues to be particularly useful and relevant. Without its active and passive involvement in such a task, the step from the simple ideological alienation to the collective mental alienation of so broad sectors of the population could not have been carried out.

It’s not possible to fight against the imperialistic and fascist propaganda with objections of internal, formal and partial order, once that its foundations and principles in matters of democracy, freedom, violence, terrorism, dialogue, elections and right of self-determination have been accepted and recognized. It’s not possible to fight against the imperialistic and fascist ideological Nationalism by making the constant apologia of the occupation régime.

Manifestly, the Pnv-Eta bureaucracy has swallowed deliberately, with delight, whole, raw and unpeeled the ideological rotten potato of the “non-violent imperialistic democracy”, and has made a good part of the Country to swallow it. The reality of the régime of military occupation established and preserved by violence and terror, its imperialistic and fascist essence, and its radical incompatibility with the freedom, democracy and right of self-determination of Peoples: first of fundamental human rights and prior condition of them all, are theoretically and practically denied by the official agents, collaborationists, accomplices and “opponents” of a system which they do not even dare to describe as totalitarian, imperialistic and fascist; or to do it without so many precautions and restrictions that the concepts disappear.

Reactionary fabrications such as “the article 8 of the Constitution, which empowers the army; the process of self-determination without violence: either legalized or in response; the violence that does [only] occur in detención barracks, prisons and police stations; the rule of exception” etc., do hypocritically and insidiously hide and deny the constituent  criminal violence of the imperialistic and fascist régime of military occupation. The fact that the Francoism calls itself now democratic non-violent, and that it calls fascist and terrorist their victims, could be regarded as an attempt of dubious and in any case limited possibilities. What has made it really effective is the attitude of “the Basque moderates and radicals” of the Pnv-Eta bureaucracy, which have recognized and diffused the trickery.

Twelve centuries of imperialistic wars, dismemberments, occupation and annexation have not been enough for the Pnv-Eta bureaucratic ensemble to cast doubts on the essentially “democratic and non-violent” nature of the Spanish and French régime of occupation. Unfortunately, the “incomprehensible refusal to negotiate and even talk” with Ibarretxe introduced an unacceptable “democratic deficit” of the Spanish fascist régime, which, in any way, did not – according to them – affect its democratic essence. As regards the French régime, already “a great Lehendakari”: the presidential predecessor of Ibarretxe, had expressed his own reservations: “We have always said that France was a democracy, and you see now: we are not allowed to cross the border”. (José Antonio Ardanza, “Basque president”.)

The multi-centennial war, aggression, occupation, dismemberment and annexation of the French “Ancien Régime” imperialism, as well as the negation, repression and deportation of the Basque People in the name of “the Republic”, are not enough for to call into question the “hexagonal democracy” which sanctifies everything of it; but that Ardanza is not allowed to cross the border is a momentous political fact that casts an absolute impediment to fully benefit from the democratic label that the bureaucracy of the Pnv attributes. Regarding the similar crippled and reverent attitude on the part of assimilated aborigines (which we have previously had the opportunity to point out), and even of descendants of the Basque Exile – born in France – who proclaim their grateful admiration for it, the show is simply obscene.

The program of mental conditioning of the subjugated People could thus continue in a never before reached degree of out-and-out effectiveness, at an always greater scale and intensity. It’s already half a century ago that the sabotage, deceit, farce and mockery are being continued in this way, making sure at the same time the bureaucratic-corporative continuity of the “vanguard” that uses them. Time has shown, even to the most unsuspecting, the cost and consequences of cooperation, corruption, illusion and charlatanism carried up to such an extent.

To the apologia of the ruling power, to the falsification of history and of basic social data, are joined as well the denial or caricature of the national freedom and the democratic Resistance in general. Such accumulation of gibberish and insanities, ideologically functional, reveals the complicity of those who utter them, and the nature of the system that makes them possible and necessary. They make evident by themselves the almost unlimited scope of the monopolies of  propaganda and ideological intoxication of masses that the monopoly of violence puts at the disposal of their agents. They highlight the political, intellectual and moral degradation that the imperialistic despotism has as purpose and result there where it manages to assert itself.

If we are to believe them, it is the price that its promoters have chosen to pay “so as to be able to say something in this Country”. But when – with reservations or without them – the “legitimate, democratic and non-violent” character, with or without deficit, of the imperialism and its institutions has been recognized; when directly or indirectly is being hidden, accepted, encouraged or “legitimated” the occupation and repression that its monopolies of violence and propaganda of masses do wield; when implicitly and explicitly is denied the occupied Nation and State; when the concept of right of self-determination of all Peoples is falsified so as to make it “acceptable” for the occupation régime; when is denounced “the danger for democracy” of the administrative new turns of screw, or the “national and autonomous police violence excesses”, in order to better conceal the National-imperialistic war, violence and fascism that are the real basis of the political power, in such a case it has already been waived to say anything because nothing remains to be said.

The propaganda of the Basque collaborationists/traitors who make up the liquidationist bureaucracy Pnv-Eta and its satellites: Ea-Ehbildu-Sortu-Geroa bai etc., is perfectly in line with their real and objective policy (it little matters that, in some cases, it may not also be conscious and subjective), which is the policy of the strategic liquidation of the Basque People and its occupied State, the Kingdom of Nabarre.

Consequently, there is no mention in this Pnv-Eta propaganda of the crossroads that our People is facing, which will fatally andinexorably decide between its disappearance or its permanence as one more People in the concert of the Peoples of theWorld. This crossroads leads us, on the one side, to continue moving through the current political model, which consistsof the criminal French-Spanish imperialistic, colonialist and fascist régime of military occupation of our Country; a régime that these “Basque” bureaucracies recognize as legitimate and democratic, and that does necessarily lead to the totalitarian integration of the Basque People into the mass of Francespain where our disappearance/dissolution as a People is assured. Or else, on the other, to adopt the model of Liberation from that Imperialism, and of Self-Determination or National Independence with the restoration of our own State, the Kingdom of Nabarre, internationally recognized for a thousand years. It is the only real alternative that is presented to us: an alternative that shall decide for the Basque People between to be or not to be.

On the contrary, what – while totally concealing the reality of imperialism – the propaganda of the Pnv-Eta bureaucrats and their satellites proposes to our People is the false and lethal sectarian alternative among themselves, dividing the vote of the Basque People for this purpose, and leaving totally on the sidelines and intact – as if it did not exist – the French-Spanish imperialism that they have admitted as legitimate and democratic, in which they are more or less comfortably or uncomfortably integrated as if it was our own State, and in which in any case they have been living and thriving for half a century like a fish in water.

The ideology of the “moderate and radical Basque” liquidationist conglomerate of the Pnv-Eta bureaucrats and their satellites: true creatures of the fascist régime in which they have been born and raised, is not an ideology of opposition to French-Spanish imperialism and fascism, it is an insidious and dangerous instrument of ideological reduction and recuperation at the service of that imperialism and fascism, which this alleged “Basque abertzale” ideology: recuperated by imperialism through the hand of Spanish Nacional-socialism/communism and its various “leftist” social-imperialistic offshoots, presents it as democracy and even “progressivism”. Just as the dualism of “the institutional path and the armed struggle” – ‘bietan jarrai’ – was and continues to be an effective instrument for the reduction of the anti-imperialistic political opposition, and for its recuperation by imperialism and fascism.

Now, after the capitulation and abandonment by the Eta bureaucracy of their insane, disastrous and infrastrategic individual terrorism that – in their delirious fanaticism – they called “armed struggle and revolutionary war”, their electoralist capitulation dating back to March 1979 is still fully in force; in a perfect harmony since then with the positions of the Pnv bureaucracy on the French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime established in our Country through innumerable, horrendous and imprescriptible crimes and State Terrorism, which they all recognize as “non-Nationalist, non-violent, legitimate and democratic”.

The growing reduction of the Basque forces of liberation against fascist imperialism: reduced to social classes of weak or weakened historical consciousness by the odious and repugnant French-Spanish imperialistic despotism under the conditions of triumphant fascism, has led to the current policy of strategic liquidation of the Basque People through the intermediary of the ideological and political sub-class Pnv-Eta and its satellidtes Ea-Ehbildu-Sortu-Geroa bai etc. That Pnv-Eta bureaucracy has left a People weakened, defenceless and helpless in the face of the ideological Terrorism of French-Spanish imperialism. A Terrorist and Fascist régime which all of them: to the total disorientation of the Basque People, are admitting – for half a century now! – as a non-Nationalist, non-violent, legitimate and democratic régime, and as “the State” of their own.

Confusion, demoralization, exhaustion, resignation, submission and corruption: consequences of the strategic liquidation and of the betrayal and abandonment of its purported Basque intelligentsia and political class, are increasingly visible in the behaviour of a People that was free; and that, in the face of imperialistic war, occupation and Terror, was able to keep throughout the ages its passion for freedom, human rights and national dignity. The mafia-liquidationist bureaucracy Pnv-Eta and its satellites and propagandists will have to face these facts for posterity.

“We did already say since the transition that this is fascism”. Yet, those who have always denounced – as they say now – the fascist nature of the régime, have been asserting its democratic character – with or without deficit – for forty years. If they have always known it, as they say, then they have been also cheating the Country for the same time. The “Basque” deputies, senators and officials of “the State”, “democratically elected” – so they say –  during more than forty years, will have quite a lot to count in this regard. The more or less recent addicts of the purported “revolutionary vanguard” of Eta should have an instructive interest in acquainting themselves with the reality of the recent history of our Country; and in contrasting the credibility of both the current efforts made by their “leaders” in order to hide their role in the consolidation, legitimation and camouflage of that Terrorist régime that they have admitted as “democracy with deficit” and that have taken forty years to qualify as fascism (if they have done so, which is not true), as well as of their attempts in saying late and badly what they have never wanted to understand and that during all this time have not allowed it to be known that others – we – had said it early and well.

The ignorance, error, lack of foresight and incapability are never acceptable excuses for “professional” politicians (professional by reason of the material resources that they have and squander, although their skills and preparation are incomparably lower than what is considered amateur level or simple civil capacity in any Country in the world). But it is not possible to speak of simple inability, lack of foresight, error or ignorance in those who do deliberately avoid and hide the annoying and dangerous data and principles – long since acquired by vulgar or scientific knowledge – about the nature of the imperialistic reality, merely inasmuch as they do not fit in with their bureaucratic or corporate interests, when in addition what those ones do is to fight against freedom of expression, communication and criticism, without which there is no room either for theoretical progress nor for practical solution to the problems posed by the totalitarian ideology. It is not a question of simple theoretical-ideological incapability but of a characterized bad faith and deceit.

The ignorance in good faith is incompatible with vanity, pedantry, arrogance and exhibitionism in a full totalitarian régime of occupation. The ignorance in good faith implies the willingness to learn; but the “Basque” political sub-class dedicated to the collaboration through “the institutional path and the armed struggle” excludes such provision to learn (which would be contrary to the title, the dignity and the role of political, ideological, theoretical and scientific vanguard that their “representatives” have attributed to themselves), and what consequently it makes in this regard is to sabotage the solution and hide its incapability. The incapability, the lack of foresight, the error and the ignorance: formally evident, are here effect and cause of characterized bad faith and deceit, inseparable from the dominant ideology. In such conditions there cannot be place for justifications, exonerating or mitigating causes which could be taken into account.

Even their “criticism” towards the régime is deleterious for the Movement of National Resistance. Because, by denouncing the “Jacobin centralism” (as they usually do), what they are doing is to deny and hide the international imperialism, whose name and concept they did long ago remove from their ideology and vocabulary. We are not dealing with “centralism and Jacobinism”, we’re dealing with imperialistic Nationalism: permanent shame and scourge of humanity, enterprise incompatible with any democratic organization of society, which is realized by means of crimes of war, crimes against peace and crimes against humanity, and whose evident and declared purpose is here to achieve the complete liquidation of the Basque People and State. It’s about the destruction of the fundamental right of free disposition of Peoples, first of human rights and prerequisite of all the others, and of the consequent right of States – constituted themselves on those human rights – to their integrity and independence, according to the International Law. The democracy they speak about, “where all means of coercion and communication are in the hands of the army”, is the French-Spanish imperialistic fascism in power.

They oppose the purported “non-nationalism” and the “democratic nationalism”, to the “non-democratic nationalism”. But imperialism is the extreme, aggressive and totalitarian form of Nationalism. All imperialistic Nationalism is tautologically undemocratic, whatever the form that accompanies or shows it may be. To conceal its nature is the aim of those who have no qualms about describing as “non-nationalism” the imperialistic Nationalism of the criminal Nations, established by means of aggression, war, occupation and the violation of the rights of free disposition and legitimate defence of the People that is enduring it. What the imperialistic ideology calls “democratic nationalism” is the Nationalism of those who recognize the Spanish State (or its French ally) and the Constitution of the Spanish (or French) Nation as their own and democratic ones; is the Nationalism of those who recognize and support the imperialistic monopoly of criminal violence; is the Nationalism of those who subordinate the right of self-determination of Peoples to the rules imposed by war and occupation. What they call “democratic nationalism” is, in fact, pure Spanish (or French) imperialistic Nationalism, adapted to the conditions of receptivity of the occupied People. The “non-democratic opposition” to the imperialism is a contradiction in terms. All anti-imperialistic “nationalism”: insofar as it exercises the right of free disposition and legitimate self-defence of Peoples against imperialism, is tautologically democratic.

The imperialistic Nationalism pursues its purposes and exercises its “rights” by means of war, conquest and monopoly of criminal violence; the “nationalism” of the others has to do it by submitting to the conditions and limits that the imperialistic régime sets for it.. This is how the imperialistic Nationalism understands the respect of the rights of all –“including the nationalists” from the occupied Countries – to behave like the dominant Nation wants them to behave. The imperialism cynically claims that the rights of the occupied People “are respected without prejudice to the constitutional unity”, that’s to say, as a domestic and internal law of the occupying Nation. But inasmuch the occupied People and State are not part of the dominant Nation but distinct and separate Nation and State, their rights – and the right of self-determination as a fundamental right – are external and incompatible with the “law” of the occupying Nation.

For the imperialistic and fascist Nationalism, “democratic Basque nationalists” are those who de facto and de iure support, accept and recognize the domination of the (Spanish) Nationalism; and those who deny the right of self-determination of all Peoples and the very existence of the occupied Nation and State. That is to say, those who are neither (Basque) nationalist nor democrats, namely: the local Spanish Nationalists. The others are entitled to State terrorism, firing squad, jail, deportation and the final – individual or collective – solution as “criminal fascists, enemies of the democratic rules” that the Spanish Nationalists make and impose. Anyway, due to “the incompatibility between (Basque) nationalism and democracy, as well as the identification between (Basque) nationalism and terrorism”: as there proclaims the same sources of fascist propaganda, little margin, little space and little time will be left to the “Basque moderate or radical” accomplices of the French-Spanish Nationalism-Terrorism for their democratic-deficit recreation.

Following the imperialistic propaganda up to the ultimate consequences, they deny the existence of the Basque People as different from the occupants, so as to reduce it to an absurd and hypocritical “administrative-territorial, civil, anational, not identity” etc. entity, that is: of Spanish nationality and identity. Those who – in order to mislead the unwary ones – are now called “Basques”, are simply Spaniards with administrative neighbourhood in three Provinces of Spain, according to “the Constitution and the Statute”. What – in order to mislead their followers – they call “Euskadi, Euskal-Herria, Basque people or nation” has lost the own entity and identity up to disappear. The “nation” they talk about is not a political reality and foundation, as it is in all the Movements of National Liberation in the world, but an empty expectation and object of rhetorical claims: “the people with the right to form a nation”, “the nation that is going to be born”. “The State” that they recognize as their own, legitimate and democratic is the Spanish State or the French one, and is formally and explicitly founded on the Spanish Nation and the French Nation as the sole active subject and source of rights, with explicit exclusion of all distinct national entity.

In French law, the denial is formally express and unequivocal: “in the French Republic there is not any other People, nor any other Language, nor any other Citizens nor any other Law than the French ones”. In Spanish law “Euskadi and Navarre, Basques and Navarrese” do occur in the “legal” texts; but since, by constituent designation and definition, “are Basques and Navarrese the Spaniards with administrative neighbourhood in the respective Spanish provinces”, such official “recognition” boils down to an exercise of ideological confusion and recuperation that the political situation in the “Provinces and the rest of the Nabarre” seems to still need. The “extended” version of the Pnv-Eta propaganda: “are Basques all those living and working in Euskadi”, does empty the nationality of every sense. The armed and unarmed “Basque opposition” participates in the same trickery with formulas all the more insidious, because the “Basque people” that they cotemplate boils down to a population that receives its “identity” through its administrative attachment to “the three Basque territories” that the imperialism did establish by war and terrorism of masses. The old ideological trick consisting of the “anational neutralization or indifference” tries to conceal the abandonment and liquidation of the fundamental concepts of Basque People, Nation and State, replaced by the corresponding French-Spanish ones.

They do irremediably and insidiously betray therewith the fundamental principle of a Basque People as a distinct Nation with its own and inherent international right of self-determination or independence. And do similarly deny the claim that the Basque People is a People distinct from the Spanish one, that it does not belong to Spain; that the Basques are not Spaniards nor French, and the Spaniards or French are not Basques. Once this has been denied, it is denied in the bud the national existence of the Basque People: there is not here any possible loophole. In such a case the “Basque problem” does not exist, is a pure invention since there is not any People, nor State, nor history, nor sociology, nor war, nor conquest nor occupation that concern to it.

Within the “Basque autonomous” régime of Spain, the trap-terms “Basque nationality, nation or people” have been deliberately created so as to combine their immediate ideological effect in accordance with the official doctrinal interpretation of Spanish imperialism, which has emptied them of all political and sociological content by making them synonym of an administrative constituency that is a simple creation of the Spanish State. Indeed, the imperialistic ideology does not stop at nothing nor does things halfway; and on top of that, the support for such positions by the auxiliary local agents of Spanish imperialism is total: “We must get an agreement between Basques: Basques with different feelings of belonging.” (Iñigo Urkullu.) For these agents, the meaning of the term “Basque” consists of a mere ascription to a certain territorial demarcation of Spain called “Basque country or Euskadi”, without any national identity.

This, when we do not have to confront with statements that, made even by veteran patriotic members (who show in these crisis the moral and ideological insecurity caused by the imperialistic propaganda, which takes its toll on them), do pose it as an unacceptble insult that we call “Spaniard” either he who, being so because of his metropolitan origin, he does himself describe as such; or an autochtonous Renegade/Collaborationist who, conscientiously, sees neither contradiction in considering himself “Basque” and Spaniard/French at the same time, nor that “capital crimes chew’d, swallow’d and digested” have been committed either, through the long road of wars and oppression that the French-Spanish imperialism has travelled up to impose that “identity” as something “natural”, as its agents claim.

The international right of self-determination of all Peoples implies the existence of distinct Peoples with distinct rights; whereas the “right of imperialism” is the denial of it all. England is not Germany nor France, and the English are not at the same time Germans nor do they have “the same” rights than the latter or the French: they have similar rights in their own Country but not in the others’ Countries, and nobody in one’s sound mind would dare to claim that there lies any “superiority, discrimination or insult” in affirming it. To pretend otherwise would be to deny the existence of England, Germany and France as different and separate Nations: with different populations and different rights. (This kind of ideological rubbish only has course and virtuality amongst the subjugated and alienated Peoples; sometimes under the action of their own and purported “political class” and ‘intelligentsia’, as there occurs in our Country.)

That is exactly what the Pnv-Eta group agents do here when, adopting the ideology of the Spanish and French Nationalism, do affirm that in our Country theofficial and self-proclaimed Spaniards or French have legitimate right to be and to assert themselves as such under the protection provided by the French-Spanish military occupation of our Country (an occupation that they do not reject but advocate and defend); that nevertheless they are democrats; that at the same time they are “Basques” and that, consequently, the “Basques” are Spaniards or French. It is simply the denial not only of their international right of self-determination or independence but of the very existence of the Basque People and State, and the affirmation of the right of Spain and France to occupy them and make them disappear as such.

In addition, if things are as they say, those who in Urdiain or Ahetze call themselves Basques are simple impostors, usurpers and supplanters of nationality. The Pnv will have to apologize to Nabarrese, Souletins and Labourdines for having once said that they were Basques, instead of having excluded them without ambiguities – in accordance with the prevailing Spanish and French Nationalism – from the particular euskadian “Basque people” that the Jeltzale are feigning to be defending; the same as it publicly apologised to the official and self-proclaimed Spaniards of the PsoE and the Pp for having said that they were Spaniards and not Basques.

Step by step, concession after concession, cornered by the fascist repression and by their own incapability and their growing corruption, seeking to adapt to demands that correlatively and systematically become greater as soon as they have been met, the “Basque moderate and radical” ideologists of the Pnv-Eta liquidationist bureaucracy and its satellites – Ea-Ehbildu-Sortu-Geroa bai etc. – do rid of ballast and continue their task of demolition. They have passed from the “simple” strategic liquidation, to the abandonment of the foundations of any ideology of national liberation against imperialism; they have falsified the right of self-determination of all Peoples, and adopted the basic assumptions of the fascist propaganda.

There is no place for hypocritical regrets and justifications. They have chosen the imperialism as ally and partner, and now they lament that the “democratic and non-violent” fascist imperialism – which they have recognized and consolidated – is taking increasingly unpleasant actions against them. Those “little democratic” actions, which so much offend them when they come to undermine their miserable privileges, are the actions which they themselves have supported, recognized and advocated for: the characteristic ones of the régime that with immutable stubbornness they keep on supporting and recognizing. They are the inevitable consequence of the policy of national liquidation that they have imposed on the People that they claim to be representing. They see now themselves excluded and persecuted, qualified as fascist criminals by the same régime that they did bleach, bail and pull from the international opprobrium. They have been cleaning the military jackboots while they needed them, and now they are not useful any more not even for that.

There is nothing to discover, there is no reason for amazement at the behaviour of the de facto political power, which acts according to its own ends, means and nature that a long history has put at the sight of everybody. This is the imperialistic and fascist régime that so virtuous and untreatable – and eventually ill-treated, denigrated and excluded – “Basque moderate and radical democrats” did accept and prepare more than forty years ago.

They denounce the “new factual state of exception and the ‘institutional’ apartheid which the abertzale left-wing does already lives in”; which implies the continued recognition of the “democratic normality of the institutions”, thus reserving the exception against themselves but hiding and preserving the permanent repression against the others. But the repression of the fundamental freedoms is nothing new or exceptional. What is exceptional in the totalitarian “common law” are the miserable official or informal exemptions agreed upon and exploited by them. It is their previous legalized collaboration in the fascist régime, the necessary condition for their subsequent outlawing. It’s the trap that they have mounted, which now is closing also over themselves as it had before closed over the others. They proclaim that “have fallen the masks” which the fascism had disguised with; but the fascism has not had here any other mask than the one that they themselves have helped it put on.

They now reprove the “increasing attacks on the freedom of expression and communication of ideas”: that of themselves; but they previously destroyed all its conditions of possibility, and – from the preparation and the first moments of the intra-totalitarian “transition” – cooperated with the Spanish Nationalism and Fascism in power so as to discredit, silence and hinder all consistent democratic criticism and proposal. The Pnv-Eta group has always known that the freedom of expression, communication and criticism was incompatible with its propaganda; what forced it to realize its adaptation to the conditions of imperialism and fascism.

They denounce the “policy of criminalization and isolation against the democratic Nationalism or against their particular abertzale left-wing and Basque Liberation Movement”; but for centuries the occupied People has been suffering that policy, and during forty years they themselves have been implementing – in the conditions created by the occupation régime – the policy of isolation and hot war against those who denounce the illusions, fallacies and catastrophic consequences of “the institutional struggle and the armed struggle”, and against those who claim an effective democratic strategy as the only possible opposition to the fascist imperialism. They have used slander and defamation, in the conditions of the fascism in power and in collaboration with it, as a last resort in order to avoid and dismiss all criticism and opposition to “the institutional path and the armed struggle”.

It has been said: “The truth will set you free”; but those who utter it will have a very hard time, especially in this Country. Never will it be sufficiently urged to the candidates for terrestrial and celestial happiness that, he who wants to “live well” or at least peacefully, would do well to abandon so perverse an occupation. Tell the truth has always been a bad business, but in this Country is suicidal.

The Basque People has so lost also the war of propaganda and psychological warfare of the post-war. The ideological trap in which it has allowed to be locked up is inseparable from its reduction to the level of simple political object. Faced with this, its ONLY way out consists in the strategic unity of all the Basque democratic– therefore anti-imperialist – forces around two fundamental principles commonto all of them, and that synthesize and provide the momentumof accumulation of forces of our People, without the possibility that they can be dispersed or recuperated in favour of imperialism. These principles are:

1/ Affirmation of the right of freedom, FREE disposition, national independence or self-determination of the Basque People/Euskal Herria.

“Cornerstone of democracy”, the international right of self-determination or independence of all Peoples is a right that is original, fundamental, inherent, customary, immediate, unconditional, continuous, permanent, inalienable, indefeasible and imprescriptible for all Peoples subjugated under an imperialistic and foreign régime; that is the same thing as their unconditional and immediate national independence against/in the face of any foreign domination or interference contrary to their national freedom; and that has been recognized – not constituted – by the contemporary International Law of the United Nations: from the First Article of its foundational Charter of San Francisco as well as by numerous and relevant Resolutions of its General Assembly, as THE FIRST OF FUNDAMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE PRECONDITION FOR THE FULL ENJOYMENT OF THEM ALL.

Its corollary and practical application consists, as an inescapable requirement for its realization, in the DEMAND FOR THE UNCONDITIONAL AND IMMEDIATE EVACUATION of all the occupying forces and of the entire apparatus of imperial-colonialist subjugation of the occupying Powers: Spain and France, OUTSIDE the historical Territories of the Basque People/Euskal Herria and its State. And

2/ Affirmation of the continuity, validity and actuality of our own State: the Kingdom of Nabarre, successor of the Kingdom of Pamplona – “the Kingdom of the Basques” – constituted by a confederation of Vasconic Republics, Counties and Lordships historically and freely gathered around it, and internationally recognized for a thousand years; which remains the sole State of the Basque Nation, and which it has never renounced to nor has ever admitted or recognized any other.

Its necessary consequence implies the constant and incessant NON-RECOGNITION AND DENUNCIATION of the occupying States: the “Kingdom of Spain” and the “French Republic”, and of their totalitarian régimes of military occupation, as criminal, imperialistic, colonialist and fascist, and not as their own, non-Nationalist, non-violent, legitimate and democratic, as the purported “official Basque political class” formed by the liquidationist bureaucracy Pnv-Eta and its satellites is doing to this day.

Simultaneously, and as long as the French-Spanish imperialism does not withdraw its occupying forces from our Country (since they constitute the essential and fundamentalelement of its strategic device of domination, without which its entire system collapses), the corollary and practical application of these two principles implies maintaining a TOTAL BOYCOTT:

– to any participation, both in the institutions of the imperialistic-colonial and fascist régime of Francespain, which criminally violate them from their real and primary constitution (and especially in their juridical monopolies or “parliaments”: French Parliament and Spanish Cortes Generales, established over the centuries through their Monopoly of criminal Violence and the Terror of war and State, and countless and imprescriptible constitutive crimes); as well as in their totalitarian “general elections” that “legitimize” all this, and

– to any collaboration with any individual or collective person who in whole or in part, in theory or in practice, refuses to assume publicly one or both fundamental principles mentioned above. As is evident, it is not possible to carry out an anti-imperialistic policy with the help of imperialists and fascists, infiltrated fifth-columnist agents of the French-Spanish imperialism among us. By refusing to assume those principles that affirm our national rights, these agentes do instead affirm their “right” of imperialism and of military occupation over our People and State; anddo objectively – some of them even in an open and confessed form – form part of that imperialism.

 

(Excerpts from the work: ‘Euskal Herria and the Kingdom of Nabarre, or the Basque People and its State, against French-Spanish imperialism’.)

KINGDOM OF NABARRE: THE STATE OF

THE BASQUE PEOPLE/EUSKAL HERRIA!

Army of occupation not even with music!

Spain not even with a republic! France not even with a monarchy!

TOTAL BOYCOTT OF THE IMPERIALISTS AND FASCISTS, AND OF THEIR RÉGIME OF MILITARY OCCUPATION! AWAY WITH THEM!

LONG LIVE THE FREE BASQUE PEOPLE!!!  –  GORA EUSKAL HERRI ASKEA!!!