Abandonment of any national principle by the Pnv-Eta bureaucracy in “electoral debates”

Abandonment of any national principle by the Pnv-Eta bureaucracy in “electoral debates”

The bureaucracies that make up the mafia gang Pnv-Eta are permanently placed “in election campaign mode” and dedicated to “closing the ranks and loading the batteries” of their clientele of stupefied followers, which these bureaucracies are dedicated to deceiving; the truth is that without bothering too much about it, since the befuddling they have managed to install in the Country and in the bases of their own parties are such that the “lehendakari” (and candidate for “lehendakari”) Urkullu allows himself to declare publicly in the press that “he sees ‘outdated’ talking of independence” (for the Basque People, of course, not for the Spanish, French or German ones), without anyone in his party opening his mouth.

And as for the candidate Iriarte, she has long denounced unashamedly that “the lines have been crossed”, every time the exasperation of our People manifests itself in the form of attacks or public protests against the Basque Renegades and self-proclaimed Spaniards who, protected by the occupying forces of the Kingdom of Spain, do defend the Spanish National-imperialistic régime that at least nine centuries ago crossed the border lines of our State, the Kingdom of Pamplona-Nabarre, and assaulted the Basque People and continues to attack them to this day. A Spanish régime of military occupation and imperialistic State to which, equally, she and her entire gang have been recognizing: for forty-one years now, as the régime and “the State” of their own, non-nationalist, non-violent, legitimate and democratic without anyone in the purported “abertzale left” raises an eyebrow. Its basic identity with the Pnv Mafia band is absolute.

One good example of all this is the recent “electoral debates” held by their representatives – on the Spanish television who they call “Basque television” – with those self-proclaimed Spaniards and representatives of the parties holding the Spanish imperialism in our Country, which is sustained by a fascist régime based on the monopoly of violence (and on media monopolies annex to the monopoly of violence) that provides it the armed and permanent military occupation of our State, the Kingdom of Nabarre.

In the face of all this, it seems appropriate to bring up an analysis of the authentic nature and reality of the Pnv-Eta liquidationist bureaucracies, so we are reproducing below an excerpt from Chapter XXX – ‘Bureaucratic-activist degeneration, and political-strategic ruin’, of our general work ‘Euskal Herria y el Reino de Nabarra, o el Pueblo Vasco y su Estado, frente al imperialismo franco-español / Euskal Herria and the Kingdom of Nabarre, or the Basque People and its State, against French-Spanish imperialism’, which we offer to readers below:

“In the Second Francoism, the same as it occurred in the First one, the official political and trade union organizations are bodies regulated and financed by the established political power, which counts on the support of the corresponding ‘international’ institutions. Those who believe that the Governments, Parties, Trade-Unions and mafias do still work like in the 19th century, can ill understand that in the current States the political role of these organizations has been reduced to that of auxiliary conveying belts of control, information and ideological intoxication to the service of the real Government, which produces them and on which they depend to exist and survive.

“Thus, and under the régime arisen from the ‘transition’, the organizations of the indigenous collaborationism are corporations that try to exploit in their own benefit the conditions of the imperialistic and fascist political-economical order in which they were born and that they have accepted, taken and recognized: an order to which they owe all, and that they will defend by all available means that they have.

“Corruption is the first function that draws together and lubricates the organs and the clientele of the ‘autonomous’ Administrations, which have created social layers entirely dependent on them and ready to do anything to keep them. Such schemes do benefit from the monopoly of violence and terror; from the monopoly of propaganda and from the resulting ruin of the freedom of expression; from the political protection of their activities; from the official, unofficial or fraudulent financing of their Organizations through the corresponding monopoly of extortion, corruption and administrative sinecures; as well as from a huge clientele of ‘public’ officials and from their network of ‘private’ enterprises.

“The redistribution of the social product is carried out according to the usual scheme: by intersection and collusion of officials, politicians, private businessmen and mafia specialized in the organization and exploitation of the vein. The system of ‘revolving doors’: which – after having exercised the ‘highest authority posts’ – give way to golden nominal missions in big Corporations, is only the most flashy and outrageous example of rewards in this system of institutional corruption. Unfortunately, once those beneficiaries have shown submission to the imperialistic and fascist established power: unique basic competence that was required in order to hold their former offices, anyone can imagine the ‘decisive’ contribution that such ‘big names’ of the ‘high policy’ can make to the finance and industrial-commercial management in their new jobs.

“The Pnv group and its satellites, including the Eta, are a case of agricultural culture in an industrial society. A relatively primitive and rural Country like this one, where we all are just a step away from the ‘bas-herri’ [farm-house] or the more or less large village, is naturally and fundamentally hostile to theoretical or scientific thinking. In addition, and as the fundamental consequence of the reactionism/obscurantism inherent in the Spanish-Ignatian-Jesuitical (and later peneuvist) Counter-Reformation: unfortunately established in this Country after its total Hispanic military occupation since 1512, having ideas is the worst thing that can happen to him who intends to reach here the esteem of his neighbours; and trying to tell them, a boldness that they will make him pay dearly. Among the people, the eventual and equivocal admiration for the enlightened, learned person does always yield before a derogatory and distrustful suspicion, which easily turns into hatred or resentment.

“The social model of this Country: the ‘core personality’ or its political version is the sly, unscrupulous, dirty, devious, ignorant and rude rustic that deceives his political, economic or cultural adversaries (supposedly better equipped than himself), and over whom he finally gets imposed by cunning, force, theft and betrayal. It embodies the romantic, legendary, pan-recurring and populist triumph of the weak against the strong. Even the more dishonest tricks (economically and culturally disastrous for an evolved society), such as the defamation, the industrial espionage or the political, literary or scientific plagiarism, are shown as ‘congenial abilities’, in other words: as the legitimate revenge that restores and returns the righteous rights of he who has been unjustly private of them. (In any case, the affected cultural goods are too ‘immaterial’ so as to deserve anything else than the joyous irony of the sly observer: as long as chickens or oxen – or their modern mechanized reflections – are not stolen, everything goes well here.) This ‘comes more from the natural reaches of a race that has never learned the modern ethical concepts, rather than from any decisive defect in its moral structure’. Now, with modern imperialism and globalization, concepts and structure have all gone already to the devil, and the decultured peasants lie and steal if they can as much and as well as the plebeian acculturated; especially if ‘the institutional path’ and the administrative corruption do put it within reach to them.

“The Pnv and its satellites are unfailing adepts of such procedures, with which they try to alleviate their theoretical and practical indigence. The bad thing, for them, is that the plunder – either political, economic or cultural – should imply receptive structures of which they do completely lack. The mere and arduous consideration of their ‘ideas’ and occurrences does suggest different mental pathologies, oligophrenias or psychopathies, and evoke diverse delirious states, either they be acute or chronic. Yet, these people are not mentally deficient persons that are living out of touch with all reality, nor are they so crazy or as dumb as they seem to be. Quite to the contrary, the populist barrier of the Pnv and its vast cluster of satellites leans on a financial, political and clerical class structure whose mentors and rectors – albeit not its followers – know very well what they are doing and where they are going: to ensconce themselves with the fascism and ‘feel comfortable in the Kingdom of Spain’ after having thrown into the trash their own State: the Kingdom of Nabarre.

“All of them do not care at all about the social cost of all this for the Country: it little matters for them the evidence that under the ecosystem of the French and Spanish imperialistic Nationalism there is not the slightest place for the Basque People as such, with their own national characteristics. They really are nothing else but the network of collaboration, repression, corruption, espionage and propaganda of the foreign power, under shelter and in the service of the established régime; the network that the Spanish imperialism did create with the collaboration of the Pnv and its satellites: the auxiliary and necessary – whether bribed or manipulated – instrument that the fascist régime wields for keeping the Basque People in the political submission, inactivity and stultification; and for the freezing, recuperation and exhaustion of its popular forces.

“The identity of a political class or Party is founded on its ideological and political content, not on the formal, personal or bureaucratic distinctions of its virtually countless nominal dependencies and subsidiaries. The Pnv has always been, first and foremost, a broad popular base, virtually extensible to the greater part of the Basque People. It is a social rather than a political institution. All those who have believed being able to replace it or to finish with it, without having an ideological and political alternative, have inevitably failed because they do not play in the same pitch.

“Against all hope, the Pnv has proved to be incapable of generating a political will: strategically determined, and an ideological and political qualification of a ruling class, which does not exist. These notes are inseparable from the bureaucratic degeneration and strategic impotence of the Pnv-ist organization, with the imperialistic determination as its unique political key. Its traditional base is spontaneously generated and does blindly follow the Party and its acronym: not because it understands its policy, but because it does not understand anything of none. In the last sixty years, the Pnv-ist bureaucracy has taken decisive strategic options, of the utmost seriousness and significance, without its ‘base’ having become aware of anything. There is no doubt that if it had taken the contrary decisions, it would have also obtained the same ‘support’ of its followers; in such circumstances, the conditions for the supplanting of the base by an authoritarian bureaucracy are absolutely given.

“The base of the Pnv: completely ignoring always what its purported representatives were plotting behind them, has not been able to see and understand – and remains unable to do so – the decisive fact that these “representatives”, while apparently invoking the defense of the Basque People (a concept totally disappeared already in them and supplanted by the empty word ‘Euskadi’, which actually consists of a Spanish tri-provincial “autonomous” community), had been recuperated and are at the service of religious, economic and political interests that seek the totalitarian integration of the Basque People into the mass of FranceSpain, where its disappearance as a People with its own national characteristics and with its right of self-determination or independence is assured; in such circumstances, the conditions for the supplanting of the base by an authoritarian bureaucracy are absolutely given.

“If perchance in the Pnv the internal democracy has ever existed, there is not any news left of it. Instead, the traditional bureaucracy is viewed as a relief for many persons, who do ‘delegate’ to their ‘representatives’ the leading functions; and as an attractive by other ones: especially for those seeking the appropriate means for authoritarian ambitions that do not find another outlet. As we’ve already seen, the separation between base and leaders does not occur in the established fascism in the same way as in the clandestine opposition. The internal ‘democracy’ of the Francoism has always been much more effective than that of the war-and-post-war Pnv, without which the former would not have been able to assert its domination and to maintain itself for forty years, plus other forty-two of a moratorium, for now.

“A Party like this is fatally reduced to impotence, stagnation and ankyloses; to the ‘practical-inert’ behaviour, and to the ideological-political recuperation by the dominant forces of the régime of military occupation; but it can survive for an undetermined amount of time without an own strategy and without a basic structure really organized. Its ideological-political evolution, renewal and training cannot be bureaucratically achieved, because the bureaucratic methods: nomenklatura, co-optation or ‘fingercracy’, do produce by their very nature the ‘a contrario natural selection’ of inept, arriviste, venal and corrupt representatives. Indeed, the ‘qualities’ of docility, submissiveness and limited capacity are a condition for the inner organic promotion; on the contrary, initiative, innovation and creativity: avatars of the critical sense, do bring the proscription within a bureaucratic system.

“Any endogenous or exogenous evolution within the Pnv has proved to be unworkable in the face of an absolute internal blocking, since, inevitably, an absolute bureaucracy – whether individual or collective – does only feel calm and secure if the neophytes and subordinates are dumber and inepter than their organic superiors and predecessors. The consequences of this ‘a contrario natural selection’ are at sight, but they can also be inferred without strenuous efforts of observation. This DEGENERATIVE DRIFT is inherent in the bureaucratism, and it does also facilitate the penetration of the official or secret Services of the occupation apparatus in the own bureaucracy.

“Nomenklatura, co-optation or arbitrariness is not a method of transmission, reproduction or succession: it is a method of fossilization and does only produce fossils, periodically revitalized with grafts from the Society of Jesus. But the Society does only produce or provide Jesuits, as the Athletic Club does only produce or provide footballers.

“According to the unconditional addicts, the excess of capacities constitutes a handicap for the Party: ‘We have two geniuses, but the geniuses do not understand each other’, it was argued at a time when their rivalry ended in the split of the Party. It is deemed as ‘genius’ – either religious, scientific, artistic, political or military – he who performs an extraordinary contribution: eminent and exorbitant of the common or normal capacity of a society, by virtue (according to the times, cases and interpreters) of a gift or an inspiration of the gods, of exceptional individual conditions, of the long and patient work sublimated into creation, or of the individual expression of the collective work. (But, although the criteria are difficult to establish so as to please everybody, the classification of Arzalluz and Garaikoetxea as geniuses goes beyond the field of perceptions to fall into that of ridiculous.) The cult of personality is always pernicious, especially when there is no personality.

“A model in which there can [co]exist on the one hand internal pluralism and democracy within their own party, along with external Basque bi-partisanship at our Country level, has never worked inside the Pnv nor it's possible with it. The Pnv-ist bureaucracy cannot accept that another Basque movement may fill the ideological and political space that its own Party cannot reach to; which leads it to support against that movement any Party provided that it is openly Spanish. Recently we’ve seen the Pnv bureaucracy rely without the slightest sense of shame on the Pp (‘I have achieved more in fourteen days with Aznar [Pp] than I did in thirteen years with Felipe Gonzalez [PsoE], and that we will not forget it either.’ Arzalluz, 1996); however and since always, the Pnv sought an imaginary strategic allied in the PsoE, into which hands it played and paid the court against any other Basque presence or tendency that might threaten their respective monopolies and ‘hunting grounds’, namely: the ‘national’ one, for the Pnv; and the ‘social’ one, for the PsoE. Also from the first moment, the Eta sought an imaginary model and ally in the PcE, with opposition to any autochthone alternative.

“The Pnv has always spread and exploited a moral image of refined Christian virtues, integrity and incorruptibility, respect for the truth and the adversary, irreproachable ideological and political methods, educated manners, love of neighbours, forgiveness and forgetfulness, and pacts between (Christian) gentlemen. With it have always been adorned its hypocrites or Pharisees leaders, accredited by the ecclesiastical bodies. Actually, the slightest experience shows that the pnv-ist bureaucracy is educated, respectful, considerate, careful, complacent and submissive with the Spanish and French Nationalists. Instead, the methods it uses to sink and discredit the dissidents, outside and inside the Party, do escape from any moral limitation in both form and content. Nor in the processes of Moscow and Berlin were disseminated so rude slanders, nor were uttered so despicable, abject and dirty personal insults. Yet, the resort to the powers of the imperialistic occupation régime is the decisive and permanent economic and political factor to solve the ‘internal’ complaints.

“In the reactionary 'division of the ideological-political work’ that has been established and developed among the armed and the unarmed institutionalists, ‘the institutional path’ of the Pnv has led to strategic submission, corruption and incorporation to the established order. On their part, the Eta bureaucracies of ‘the armed struggle and the revolutionary war’ have recuperated the unavoidable ‘spillovers’; systematically decimated the base of the national resistance; and turned the most naïve, unwary or reckless of their followers: defrauded by the collaboration or exasperated by the fascist and imperialistic provocation and repression, into desperados whom they have led to putting the face in the best place for getting it broken; with the torture, the distant prisons, the increasingly troublesome exiles, and ‘the cemeteries under the moon’ as their fatal destiny. Unless the continuous and unjustified burning of militants, the depletion and destruction of resources: exorbitant for the obtained results, the provocation, the denunciation and self-denunciation – which are their inevitable effect – do not turn them before into repentant defectors and renegades in the service of the fascism in power. ‘Institutional’ cretinism and ‘armed’ infantilism do not integrate two terms of a political alternative: they are, by a constitutive deficiency, the same thing.

“The ‘institutionalism’ and the attempts are an expression and consequence of the military occupation under the imperialistic régime, and of the incurable political conflict that the imperialism does entail until its liquidation is achieved; but they are also the product and alibi of the political incapability and of the strategic submission, collaboration, complicity and betrayal of the bureaucracies that advocate and maintain them. By themselves, they do exclude any real political alternative to fascism and imperialism. Whichever way you look at it, the ideology of ‘the abertzale [patriotic] right and left’ reverts to the denial and disguise of the imperialism and the fascism as the current political reality in our Country; and to its tenacious, stubborn and insane: either stupid or bought, affirmation as ‘democracy’.

“It could be thought that the Eta, by its same crucial component consisting in ‘the armed fight and the revolutionary war’, that is: the attempts, might at least escape the mentioned degenerative drift inherent in the bureaucratism. But if only external changes can disrupt the bureaucratic immobilization and drift of the official Pnv, also only external changes can affect the ‘continuous movement’ resulting from the attempts and their repression. (As in all activism, the appearance of movement conceals the reality of stagnation.)

“In the Eta, internal promotion and selection are obtained according to the proven capability to carry out attempts. Now then, the attempts do not produce – no more than the football or the physical sciences – the political capacity. Instead, the attempts do in such a way facilitate and cause the fascist repression that the bureaucracy does not have time to stabilize and develop itself; this means that it is the imperialistic violence that takes care of imposing the renovation of the leading bureaucracies starting from new adherents without past nor experience. But this same factor prevents the phased evolution and progress, since the new ‘leading layer’: which replaces the one that repression has put out of circulation, does always start at the same level and leaves the empty post as it took it, so the next one starts again without learning anything in the experience. On the other hand, the social-imperialistic infiltration, very active in the sixties, did so easily penetrate in an organization without ideological defences that it tried its full recuperation; something that the Falange infiltration did manage to achieve with the PsoE. The former found the limit resulting from the characteristic selection method of the Eta, settling then in its ambiguous and more discreet proximity.

“Finally, with the abandonment of the attempts (the result of a long process), and with the unilateral and definite truce or ceasefire, the Eta does not at all differ from the Pnv and does fatally revert to the paternal house, of which it is a disappointed but cyclical section and reaction; unless its renegades – as it has indeed happened – seek way-out, consolation and justification in the sinecures of the traditional Francoist Party or in the ranks of Falange/PsoE, which makes no difference. Thus the ‘revolutionary war’, the ‘excitation and awareness-raising’ campaigns, the sham Marxism-Leninism, and the votes so often brought in to the ‘electoral legitimacy’ of the Second Francoism, end up returning to the starting point: the family home of the Pnv.

“Continuous, empty and repetitive ‘proposals of construction of Euskal-Herria, of democratic resolution’ – in the Anaitasuna or Anoeta stadiums, in Altsasu or in Lizarra-Garazi etc. – try to hide the reality behind those exercises of collective suggestion. In the absence of a strategic base, they’re already utterly useless for them the obtained concessions and the feints that they can try, because the imperialism has got them caught by the neck and it won’t let go the prey while they do not abandon and condemn their unique identity reference: the attempts. Between the official Pnv and the Eta, the numerous ‘intermediate’ sects are but relays and buses that facilitate the return and the recuperation of the disillusioned, frustrated, bounced and renegade elements of ‘the armed fight and the revolutionary war’, making more discreet and less painful for them the inevitable transit towards the Pnv.

“To tell the truth, this question of ‘combining institutional collaboration and attempts’ (which is not the same thing as to combine legality and illegality), without having a combinatorial strategic base, has become impossible. It’s just that, whatever they do, the “armed and unarmed radicals and moderates” cannot solve the problem of imperialism, since they do consciously or unconsciously start from the denial of the imperialistic political reality. From there, it is impossible to solve a problem that they themselves deny – or that they take for solved or non-existent – from the very moment in which they pretend that it can be solved “by the word and the dialogue in the absence of any violence”; being so that imperialism is not the absence but precisely and accurately the constant, invariable and multi-centennial presence of criminal violence against the Basque People and its State: absolutely and totally denied and repressed, “by hook or by crook”, by means of (false) “dialogue” or cannons. And in the face of that, once again, these boxers already punch-drunk by the blows (but who were like this from the beginning, as a result of a century of intellectual and political degradation of the purported “Basque nationalist political class” that has arrogated the representation of the Basque People), what they finally come to tell us is that we must admit French-Spanish imperialism as “democracy” etc..

That is to say: after their total capitulation, the intransigent protagonists and panegyrists of ‘the revolutionary war and the armed struggle’, who looked down on the others, continue to give us lessons, but now they have converted ‘to pacifism and non-violence’ (the non-violence of the dominated, of course, not that of the dominators, which they accept will continue as always) and preach the goodness of their new religion. This means to make the People believe that the imperialistic, colonialist and fascist occupying States of France and Spain are going to retreat before word and dialogue, and that they are going to unilaterally and generously renounce to their monopoly of criminal violence and to their domination and exploitation of the Basque People; that is: that they too have converted to (democratic) Christianity, and that they are no longer criminal, imperialistic and fascist States. All of which is the same as ignoring and – more radically – denying the essence and the existence of the Spanish and French imperialism and fascism on the Basque People and its State: the Kingdom of Nabarre.

“And this, merely because the imperialism and fascism DO NOT DIALOGUE: should they do it, they would not be the imperialism and fascism. If the imperialism and fascism were to dialogue, and if they did unconditionally and immediately respect the fundamental human rights and above all the right of independence or self-determination of all Peoples, then they would not be the imperialism and fascism, and there would be no imperialistic problem to solve. But, unfortunately, they are so and that problem does exist, and consequently they do not dialogue except for calling ‘dialogue’ the unconditional and immediate acceptance of their criminal imperialistic domination and the ‘laws and Constitutions’ that ‘legitimize’ it; which is the antithesis of the authentic dialogue, which is based on the recognition and acceptance of the alterity of the person with whom one establishes dialogue, whereas the imperialism is based on the denial and rejection of the alterity and therefore the rights of the subjugated Peoples, and on the correlative affirmation of its reification, or in any case on the establishment upon them of the eternal master-slave Nationalist dialectic.

“The imperialists and fascists do not dialogue; what they do is to impose their domination by means of aggression, monopoly of imperialistic violence, and countless, horrendous and imprescriptible crimes against the laws of war, against peace and security of Peoples and their legitimately constituted States as it is the case of the Basque People and its State the Kingdom of Nabarre, and against Humanity; all of which they: comforted by the stupid or bought complicity of the Pnv-Eta collaborationists, are calling ‘democracy’ for forty-two years now. The imperialists and fascists do not dialogue. Sometimes, when the strategic relationship does inevitably force them to do so, they negotiate; which is very far from occurring in the occupied territories of the Basque People, which the Pnv-Eta group has reduced to the political and ideological defencelessness.

“A for ‘pacts’ (and after having accepted the liquidation pacts of Paris in 1957-61 and of Munich in 1962), the persistent invocation and vindication of the allegedly and erroneously called ‘Agreed Laws’: which had been imposed on our People since 1839 after our military defeat,  did found a whole century of waiting in the Full Foral Restoration. Unable to understand that all this was and is impossible to obtain in the imperialistic-fascist French-Spanish States: incompatible with the right of self-determination of Peoples; and after having accepted the liquidation and abandonment of the own statehood: that of the State of Nabarre, within which these foral guarantees and institutions arose and were respected, the purported ‘Constitutional Pact between equals of Euskadi with Spain’, the ‘Additional Provision’, and currently ‘the foral Nation’, are still kicking – forty years after the Spanish ‘transition’ – in the propaganda of the ‘great’ Pnv, as ‘juridical basis’ of the new ‘Pact of free association of Euskadi with Spain’.

“The realistic-possibilistic-minimalist stalwarts: adherents to ‘the plan of persuasion, dialogue and non-violence (unilateral and only of the vanquished), and to the Plan of Free Association of ‘Euskadi’ (that is: the ‘Spanish’ Vascongadas Provinces of the ‘autonomous’ Community) with Spain, which had returned – as they said – hope and illusion to this Country’, do ‘gradually discover’ the limits of the Spanish ‘non-nationalist and non-violent democracy’ that they have been accepting, supporting and legitimating for forty-three years; with which, by dint of vain hopes and bitter disillusionments, they have plunged the Country into despair. And the radical-maximalists stalwarts: promoters of the childish and suicidal resource to the attempts (a consequence, symptom and cause at the same time both of the cultural and political underdevelopment), lacking in illegal caution or alibi after the military, political and ideological ‘collapse’ of their demented ‘strategy’, give pretexts so as to justify themselves and facilitate the espionage and repression; empty the resistance and fill the exiles, jails and cemeteries; deplete and exhaust the lean material and moral reserves of the democratic opposition under the imperialism; but they do also correspond to the interest: common among the fascist forces, of getting that the monopolistic violence that constitutes the French-Spanish imperialistic régime of military occupation be covered-up and hidden by ‘the violence of the – infrastrategic – attempts’ of the Eta.

“But that group does no longer deceive anybody: the ‘plans to solve the political conflict once and for all through a process of self-determination in the absence of all violence, whether legalized or of response’ etc., consist of limiting themselves to adopt, one after the other, all the conditions that are being imposed on them for the preservation or recuperation of the income and privileges of the imperialistic legality, without which they cannot subsist. Actually, they have long ago renounced to a policy of national liberation in which they do not believe. They simply intend to retain or regain the privileges and income of the collaboration. (The Eta bureaucracy has been non-stop announcing for  forty years that it is willing to negotiate, which everybody knows. Who does not want to is the régime. This reminds the ‘conditions’ of the Pnv, PcE etc. for the participation in the ‘transition’, for which they only asked to be allowed to participate. The attempt to make the others believe otherwise has not given any result, either to the former or to the latter.)

“Insofar as the collaborationist opportunism weakens the real opposition, it does fatally weaken also itself until disappearing along with the opposition. In the seventies, the Government of the intra-totalitarian transition went out of its way so that the armed and unarmed collaborationists might participate in the farce of elections and the rest of totalitarian institutions. Finally, also the Eta ended up consolidating the Spanish fascist régime of military occupation as a ‘democratic’ one, and did without conditions accept the institutional participation in it despite its ‘revolutionary war’ as an absurd ‘alibi’ (with the hecatomb of militants and its final one-sided truce-surrender as a result), up to end-up believing that it was negotiating. Vainly did the Eta try to justify itself for having finished saying and doing in 1979 what two years earlier, in the face of Spain’s ‘general elections’ of 1977, it had rightly described as treason, namely: collaborationism. Later, now that ‘we have advanced a lot’ backwards, the traditional Francoism: considering that it could do without the Eta’s cooperation and even without its own makeup of ‘transition’, did kick out of the ground those that it had brought in so that they would ‘legitimize’ it. Seeing the dismantling of the autonomy-trap and its rewards in danger, the Eta did beg the return to the delights and revenues of the legalization and collaboration, for the benefit of them all and primarily of the Pnv: in a permanent alliance with the Spanish Terrorists-Nationalists-Fascists, whether they be of the Falange/PsoE or of the Pp.

“Despotism, imperialism and fascism have such manifest characteristics that trying to disguise them as democracy would be a lost enterprise: even before the less skilled professional or amateur criticism. However, the Pnv-Eta joint ‘opposition’: because of their deliberate and perversely stubborn ‘technical’ ineptitude and political will (and counting on the media monopoly of befuddling of masses that they have at their disposal), has established such a fraud in our Country, namely: that the Imperialism and the Spanish Fascism that continues under the Second Francoism is a democracy, up to cancel any attempt to publicly call into question the ‘democratic’ condition of the Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime of military occupation which they are fundamentally attached to since in 1977-1979 they joined the Second Francoism. A régimen that since then until today they are holding as the régime and “the State” of their own, non-Nationalist, non-violent, legitimate and democratic. Even these days we’ve had to endure that the Pnv-ist Erkoreka, acting as the spokesman of the 'Basque government' and from the 'Basque' television, qualifies the withdrawal of the dictator Franco’s mummy as 'a wise, satisfactory decision, in so far as it puts an end to a situation that was absolutely unsustainable in a democratic State' etc.

“The Pnv-Eta group cannot and does not want to leave its present condition because it has nowhere to go; unless it makes a review of such a calibre that it would be the end of its entity and identity. Their own corporate and bureaucratic structure does itself prevent them from and closes any possibility of evolution or adaptation: whether ideological or political. As far as the puppets of the Pnv-Eta group are concerned, they don’t ask already for something better than to continue in this situation of morass, ruin and strategic liquidation of the democratic forces of the Basque People and its occupied State. A result necessarily involved in their business of collaborationism, corruption and subservience to the French-Spanish imperialism: which they deny that it is so, and to which they guarantee the situation and the stability for good, that is: as long as it still be in need of their unbearable assistance. This need will be in a permanent evaluation, and its continuity will exclusively depend on the residual force of National Resistance that the imperialism is checking in the subjugated People.

“In the resistance to fascism and imperialism, a People that is not able to make sure an internal space for theoretical and ideological construction and participation, for criticism, reflection and communication (minimum or clandestine though it may be), is doomed. The consequences of such a lack are always suffered by the subjugated Peoples, which pay the price of cultural and political underdevelopment. Censorship, cultural obscurantism, internal and external indoctrination, authoritarian and sectarian dogmatism, demagogy, bureaucratic ‘discretion’ and secrecy do prevent the renewal of the political consciousness, the dissemination of the social-political knowledge, and the popular access to it, in a culturally and politically underdeveloped Country. Centuries of military occupation, despotism, reaction, clericalism, Counter-Reformation, obscurantism, Inquisition and Fascism have marginalized this Country from the great currents and contributions which constitute the positive side of Western culture, and have resulted in the lack of communication, the regression and ruin of the political culture. And half a century of Pnv-Eta collaborationist rubbish with the imperialistic and fascist French-Spanish ‘democracy’ has left this Country on the verge of collapse, and the tail end of the list and strategic Atlas corresponding to the scenario of the current struggle for national independence.

“After having recognized – not only ‘de facto’ but also ‘de iure’ – the Spanish unitary régime: Nationalist-Fascist of military occupation; and having presented it as legitimate, democratic, non-nationalist and non-violent from three fateful moments of our recent history: Pact of Munich-1962 and “general elections”-1977/1979, the sectarian ‘moderate and radical’ collaborationist Pnv-Eta bureaucracies architects of the disaster (which had already collaborated with Fascism: even in the days of General Franco’s personal dictatorship, to attack and slander those who in this Country denounced the trap that was being mounted and warned of the catastrophe they were going to cause, and who in each and every one of those moments tried to avoid it) did lead to the political demoralization, paralysis and ruin of a defenceless Country bereft of its own institutions and strategy, left in ideological destitution, delivered to a brutal exploitation and terrorist repression at the hands of the ‘democratic’ fascism, and sunken into a black despair by the betrayal and abandonment of its supposed political class, whiles this one did thrive in comfortable friendly terms with the Spanish transitive régime.

“While ‘moderates and radicals’ play at imaginary democracies: at “models of representation typical of liberal democracies or of self-management” (which is as these traitors call the forgery with which they themselves are hiding the imperialistic and fascist régime of military occupation that is subjugating our Country), the French and Spanish imperialistic, fascist and nationalist bulldozer continues day by day its demolition work; and the economic, political, racial, linguistic and cultural roll of their colonial steamroller moves at a giant pace towards the complete destruction of the subjugated People. In the last eighty years, the Basque People has suffered more serious wounds than in all its previous and immemorial history. ‘Hola segituz, gureak egin du’. (If we follow like this, we are doomed.)

“There is no doubt that the Basque popular forces have got mired in confusion and impotence; but they are there because the Pnv-Eta group: supporters of ‘the institutional path and the armed struggle’, have reduced them to that situation. Their claim that this was the only possible way, arguing on the basis that it is precisely the one that happened, constitutes a coarse and clumsy example of begging the question (‘petitio principii’) behind which that rear-guard: formed of collaborationist traitors, tries to hide its responsibility in the disaster. A responsibility that they will only be able to alleviate by putting themselves at the service of a true policy of national liberation based on the national and State affirmation of the Basque People and its State, the Kingdom of Nabarre (supported in the imprescriptible international right of independence, freedom, free-disposition, self-government or self-determination of all Peoples, and of integrity and continuity of their States legitimately constituted on the Free-Disposition or Self-Determination of all Peoples); as well as on the non-recognition, with all its consequences, of the States and régimes of military occupation of France and of Spain: criminal, imperialistic, colonialist and fascist.

“‘Better late than never’, they mean to say now. Yet, such a sentence is suspicious in policy, where arriving late is equal to or worse than never arriving; but it is also a completely hollow statement, and even sarcasm, when the retardant arrives as empty-handed as when he did absent himself. ‘Too late is a great word, a terrible word in History.’ The Basque People, under Pnv-Eta ‘direction’, has arrived late – actually it has not yet arrived – to the State and national modern consciousness (which in Lithuania had already been strategically established since 1918); to the criticism of the pseudo-democratic illusions and the individual ‘terrorism’; to the sense of the fundamental political reality; and to the elementary perception of the nature and needs of the strategy.

“Even though the Basque People has still potential – material and moral – resources for making a true democratic policy, the situation is much worse now than thirty or fifty years ago. Its political underdevelopment: resulting from centuries of aggression, domination and colonization under French-Spanish imperialism; and the implementation of a false opposition to it led by a purported ideological and political class that – incapable and corrupt – is in fact recuperated by and at the service of the imperialistic domination, are handicaps that our People has never managed to overcome.

“Only an opposition capable of mobilizing and structuring its life-forces; of creating and restoring its own State and national institutions; of re-establishing the internal freedom and democracy; and of developing a Resistance of a strategic level in the face of the imperialism, could pull it out of the fascist, imperialistic and totalitarian trap in which it has itself let to be locked up.”

As is undeniable, currently the first condition for the political regeneration and the constitution of this Resistance of strategic level: essential for the liberation of the Basque People and the restoration of its State, the Kingdom of Nabarre, is to get rid of the Pnv-Eta Mafia-liquidationist bureaucracy. And the first step to this is not to follow their slogans and stop voting for them.

Faced with the pandemic of imperialism; DON'T VOTE, STAY HOME.