Bureaucratic-activist degeneration, and strategic-political ruin (XXX)
XXX – Bureaucratic-activist degeneration, and strategic-political ruin
Iñaki Aginaga and Felipe Campo
In the Second Francoism, the same as it occurred in the First one, the official political and trade union organizations are bodies regulated and financed by the established political power, which counts on the support of the corresponding “international” institutions. Those who believe that the Governments, parties, trade-unions and mafias do still work like in the 19th century, can ill understand that in the current States the political role of these organizations has been reduced to that of auxiliary conveying belts of control, information and ideological intoxication to the service of the real Government, which produces them and on which they depend to exist and survive.
Thus, and under the régime arisen from the Spanish intra-totalitarian “transition” to the Second Francoism, the indigenous organizations of “Basque” betrayal and collaborationism, namely: the liquidationist bureaucracy Pnv-Eta and its satellites Ea-Ehbildu-Sortu-Geroa bai along with the rest of the “trade-union, social and cultural” associations and foundations that give them cover and avoid above all denouncing their true nature, are corporations that try to exploit in their own benefit the conditions of the imperialistic and fascist political-economical order in which they were born and that they have accepted, taken and recognized; an order to which they owe all, and that they will defend by all available means that they have.
Corruption is the first function that draws together and lubricates the organs and the clientele of the “autonomous” Administrations, which have created social layers entirely dependent on themand ready to do anything to keep them. Such schemes do benefit from the monopoly of criminal Violence and Terror; from its monopoly of propaganda and from the resulting ruin of the freedom of expression; from the political protection of their activities; from the official, unofficial or fraudulent financing of their Organizations through the corresponding monopoly of extortion, corruption and administrative sinecures; as well as from a huge clientele of “public” officials and from their network of “private” enterprises.
Corruption in the redistribution of the social product is carried out according to the usual scheme: by intersection and collusion of officials, “politicians”, trade-unionists, private businessmen and mafia specialized in the organization and exploitation of the vein. The system of “revolving doors”: which – after having exercised the “highest authority posts” – give way to golden nominal missions in big Corporations, is only the most flashy and outrageous example of rewards in this system of institutional corruption. Unfortunately, once those beneficiaries have demonstrated submission to the established imperialistic and fascist power: the only basic competence they needed to exercise their former offices, anyone can imagine the “decisive” contribution that such “big names” of “high policy” can make to the finance and industrial-commercial management in their new and gifted posts.
The Pnv group and its satellites, including the Eta, are a case of agricultural culture in an industrial society. A relatively primitive and rural Country like this one, where we all are a step away from the ‘bas-herri’ [farm-house] or the more or less large village, is naturally and fundamentally hostile to theoretical or scientific thinking. In addition, and as the fundamental consequence of the reactionism/obscurantism inherent in the Spanish-Ignatian-Jesuitical (and later Peneuvist) Counter-Reformation: unfortunately established in this Country after its total Hispanic military occupation since 1512, having ideas – even more so if they are heterodox – is the worst thing that can happen to him who intends to reach here the esteem of his neighbours; and trying to tell them, a boldness that they will make him pay dearly. Among the people, the eventual and equivocal admiration for the enlightened, learned person does always yield before a derogatory and distrustful suspicion, which easily turns into hatred or resentment.
The social model of this Country: the “core personality” or its political version is the sly, unscrupulous, dirty, devious, ignorant and rude rustic that deceives his political, economic or cultural adversaries (supposedly better equipped than himself), and over whom he finally gets imposed by cunning, force, theft and betrayal. It embodies the romantic, legendary, pan-recurring and populist triumph of the weak against the strong. Even the more dishonest tricks (economically and culturally disastrous for an evolved society), such as the defamation, the industrial espionage or the political, literary or scientific plagiarism, are shown as “congenial abilities”; in other words: as the legitimate revenge that restores and returns the righteous rights of he who has been unjustly private of them.
In any case, the affected cultural goods are too “immaterial” so as to deserve anything else than the joyous irony of the sly observer: as long as chickens or oxen – or their modern mechanized reflections – are not stolen, everything goes well here. This “comes more from the natural reaches of a race that has never learned the modern ethical concepts, rather than from any decisive defect in its moral structure”. Now, with modern imperialism and globalization, concepts and structure have all gone already to the devil, and the decultured peasants lie and steal if they can as much and as well as the plebeian acculturated; especially if “the institutional path” and the administrative corruption do put it within reach to them.
The Pnv and its satellites are unfailing adepts of such procedures, with which they try to alleviate their theoretical and practical indigence. The bad thing for them is that pillage – either it be political, economic or cultural – should be accompanied by receptive structures which they do completely lack of. The mere and arduous consideration of their “ideas” and occurrences does suggest different mental pathologies, oligophrenias or psychopathies; and evokes diverse delirious states, either they be acute or chronic. But these people are not mentally deficient persons that are living out of touch with all reality, nor are they so crazy or are as dumb as they seem to be.
Quite to the contrary, the populist barrier of the Pnv and its vast cluster of satellites leans on a class structure: financial, political and clerical, whose mentors and rectors – albeit not so its followers – know very well what they are doing and where they are going to, that is: to ensconce themselves with fascism and “feel comfortable in the Kingdom of Spain”, after having thrown into the trash their own State, the Kingdom of Nabarre. The social cost of all this for the Country does not matter to any of them: they care little abut the evidence that under the ecosystem of the French and Spanish imperialistic Nationalism – whether it be monarchical or republican – there is not the slightest place for the Basque People as such, with their own national characteristics. And they do not care because they are really nothing more than the indigenous network of treason, collaboration, repression, corruption, espionage and propaganda of foreign power, created under the protection and at the service of the imperialistic régime established in our Country. That is to say, the network that Spanish imperialism set up with the collaboration of the Pnv bureaucracy and its satellites: local, auxiliary and necessary instruments – either bribed or manipulated – that the French-Spanish fascist régime wields to keep the Basque People in political submission, inactivity and stultification; and to achieve the freezing, recuperation and exhaustion of its popular forces.
[Even though this is a matter that in principle falls beyond the scope of this work, nevertheless, this liquidation of any authentic Basque policy of liberation against imperialism, and the consequent degradation that this has brought as a consequence, have also manifested themselves in a scandalous provocation and ridicule of our People in certain supposedly cultural and “artistic” productions.Thus, the significant proliferation, media diffusion and notoriety that in recent times are reaching in this Country writers and film and television producers – purported “scriptwriters” and “humorists” – who have discovered the vein that can be obtained in the motivated Spanish market with the only-topic of ridiculing this Country, makes that the task of exposing – if only briefly – this phenomenon becomes imposed to us.
Of course, we won’t be the ones who are opposed to a healthy self-criticism and to lashing any negative element rooted in any aspect of our social reality; but it implies a critique having always present as a goal the regeneration and strengthening of the Basque People’s national consciousness and cohesion. And all this framed – as one more democratic instrument – inside the international class struggle against the French-Spanish imperialism and colonialism; which, structured throughout their history in despotic, absolutist and finally fascist régimes, and based on their total contempt for other Peoples, have massacred Nations and Civilizations on all Continents for centuries; something whose denunciation should be the authentic progressive and healing work to be carried out.
Completely different from that goal is the attitude that, in the service of French-Spanish imperialism, has been adopted by the autochthonous individuals we are speaking about (in their condition either as fools, opportunist turn-coats, or Renegades), consisting in pulling off a good benefit and “making cash” by ridiculing, weakening and humiliating a People whose national characteristics: linguistic-cultural, onomastic, or culinary etc., caricatured ad nauseam, are displayed by them as mere provincialism of a “people” of brutes and yokels that “can’t speak or speak badly” (of course in Spanish or French: nothing that a colonized should be ashamed of); apparently, without the repression, imperialism and colonization of those metropolises during centuries having had anything to do with it.
The mission that these “entertainers” have accepted, apart from foisting the Spanish tambourine to this People, gagged and alienated in their national signs of identity by the multi-centennial French-Spanish aggression, has been the further reinforcing of this alienation and brutal “immersion-drowning” of the Basque People in Spain and France. To this end, all the mental categories or references that those “producers” show: whether they be geographic (“the North and the South”), of geo-location (“up-down”), socio-political, climatic (rainy/bad weather-sunny/good weather) or of identity; all their “universe”, all the clichés and stereotypes of their poor mental world put in the mouth of the specimen that they exhibit as representatives of the whole of our Country, are strictly referred and circumscribed to what they – the same as the fascist imperialism of those States – do call “Spain” or “France”; whose “cultural” manifestations are scandalously disseminated in this Country under the protection and with the financing of the established power, and to the detriment of the own ones of our Country.
The subjugated Peoples, once they have regained their national dignity along with their independence from imperialism, do usually put these “artists” in their rightful place as the Renegades and mercenaries they are: in the service of the apparatus of colonization, alienation, humiliation and submission of totalitarianism and despotism.]
The Pnv has managed to present itself to the Basque People as its most genuine representation, virtually extensible to the majority of its society, and as a social rather than a political institution. All those who have believed they could replace it or to finish with it, without having an authentic deological and political alternative for our People, have inevitably failed because they do not play on the same pitch.
However, against all hope, the Pnv has proved to be incapable of generating a national political will of liberation from imperialism, strategically structured; nor an ideological and political qualification that corresponds to a genuine ruling class, which does not exist. These notes are inseparable from the bureaucratic degeneration and strategic impotence of the Pnv-ist organization; with the imperialistic determination – an inexorable result of it – as its sole political key.
Its traditional base is spontaneously generated and does blindly follow the Party and its acronym: not because it understands its policy but because it does not understand anything of none. In the last sixty years, the Pnv-ist bureaucracy has taken decisive strategic choices of the utmost gravity and transcendence, since they did integrate it into the strategy of Spanish imperialiksm, without its “base” having become aware of anything. There is no doubt that if that bureaucracy had taken the contrary decisions, it would have also obtained the same “support” of its followers. In such circumstances, the conditions for the supplanting of its popular base by an authoritarian bureaucracy are absolutely given.
The social base of the Pnv, always completely ignoring what its so-called representatives were plotting behind their backs, has been unable to see and understand – and remains unable to do so – the decisive fact that, from the second half of the last century, these Pnv “representatives”: clad in usurped labels that supposedly present them as “the approved defenders” of the Basque People (a term and a concept on the other hand totally disappearedin them, and supplanted by the empty word “Euskadi” that does in reality consist according to themselves in a Spanish tri-provincial “autonomous community”), had been recuperated by and are at the service of religious, economic and political interests that seek the totalitarian integration of the Basque People into the mass of Francespain, where its disappearance as a People: with its own national characteristics and with its international right of self-determination or independence of all Peoples, is assured.
If perchance internal democracy has ever existed in the Pnv, there is not any news left of it. In its place, the traditional bureaucracy isviewed as a relief for many persons (who do “delegate” to their “representatives” the leading functions), and as an attractive by other ones; especially by characters who are seeking the appropriate means to provide a channel for their authoritarian ambitions that would not find an outlet elsewhere. As we have already indicated, the separation between social base and leaders does not occur in the established fascism in the same way as in the clandestine opposition; that is: the internal “democracy” of the Francoism has always been much more effective than that of the war-and-post-war Pnv, without which the former would not have been able to assert its domination and to maintain itself for forty years, plus other forty-seven – for now – of moratoria under the Second Francoism.
A Party like this is fatally reduced to impotence, stagnation and ankyloses, to the “practical-inert” behaviour and to the ideological-political recuperation by the dominant forces of the régime of military occupation; but it can survive for an undetermined amount of time without an own ideology and strategy, and without a basic structure really organized. Now then, its ideological-political evolution, renewal and training cannot be bureaucratically achieved, because the bureaucratic methods, namely: nomenklatura, co-optation or “fingercracy”, do produce by their own nature the “a contrario natural selection” of inept, arriviste, venal and corrupt representatives. Indeed, the “qualities” of docility, submissiveness and limited capacity are a condition for the inner organic promotion within a bureaucratic system; on the contrary, initiative, innovation and creativity: avatars of the critical sense and spirit, do bring proscription within that type of organization.
That’s why any endogenous or exogenous evolution within the Pnv has proved to be unworkable in the face of an absolute internal bureaucratic blocking, since, inevitably, an absolute bureaucracy – whether individual or collective – does only feel calm and secure if the neophytes and subordinates are dumber and inepter than their organic superiors and predecessors. The consequences of this “a contrarion atural selection” are at sight, but they can also be inferred without strenuous efforts of observation. This degenerative drift of the Pnv is inherent in the bureaucratism, and it does also facilitatethe penetration of the official or secret Services of the French-Spanish fascist apparatus of military occupation – either in the traditional Francoist version or in its National Socialist version of Falange-PsoE – in the own Pnv-ist bureaucracy.
Nomenklatura, co-optation or arbitrariness are not a method of transmission, reproduction or succession; they are a method of fossilization and do only produce fossils, periodically revitalized with grafts from the Society of Jesus and its University of Deusto. But the Society does only produce or provide Jesuits, as the Athletic Club does only produce or provide footballers.
According to the unconditional addicts to the Pnv, the excess of capacities constitutes a handicap for the Party: “We have two geniuses, but the geniuses do not understand each other”, it was argued at a time when their rivalry ended in the split of the Party. It is deemed as “genius” – either religious, scientific, artistic, political or military – he who performs an extraordinary contribution: eminent and exorbitant of the common or normal capacity of a society, by virtue (according to the times, cases and interpreters) of a gift or an inspiration of the gods; of exceptional individual conditions; of the long and patient work sublimated into creation; or of the individual expression of the collective work. But, although the criteria are difficult to establish so as to please everybody, the classification of Arzalluz and Garaikoetxea as geniuses goes beyond the field of perceptions to fall into that of ridiculous. The cult of personality is always pernicious, but even more so when there is not even personality.
As it has already been explained, a model in which there can [co]exist internal pluralism and democracy within their own party, on the one hand, along with an external Basque bi-partisanship at our Country’s level, on the other, has never worked inside the Pnv nor is possible with it. The Pnv-ist bureaucracy cannot accept that another Basque movement may fill the ideological and political space that its own Party cannot reach to; which leads it to support against that movement any Party, provided that it is openly Spanish. We have seen the Pnv bureaucracy support the Pp without the slightest shame: “I have achieved more in fourteen days with Aznar than in thirteen years with Felipe González, and we will not forget that either”. (Xabier Arzalluz, president of the Pnv, 1996). But above all, and since always, the Pnv sought an imaginary strategic allied in the PsoE, intowhich hands it played and paid the court against any other Basque presence or tendency that might threaten their respective monopolies and “hunting grounds”, namely: the “national” one, for the Pnv; and the “social” one, for the PsoE. Likewise, and from the first moment, the Eta sought an imaginary model and ally in the Spanish “communist” Party-PcE, with opposition to any autochthone alternative.
The Pnv has always spread and exploited a moral image of refined Christian virtues, integrity and incorruptibility, respect for the truth and the adversary, irreproachable ideological and political methods, educated manners, love of neighbours, forgiveness and forgetfulness, and pacts between (Christian) gentlemen. With it have always been adorned its hypocrites or Pharisees leaders, accredited by the ecclesiastical bodies. Actually, the slightest experience with them shows that the Pnv-ist bureaucracy is educated, respectful, considerate, careful, complacent and submissive with the Spanish and French National-imperialists; instead, the methods it uses to sink and discredit the dissidents, outside and inside the Party, escape any moral limitation in both form and content. Nor in the processes of Moscow and Berlin were disseminated so rude slanders, nor were uttered so despicable, abject and dirty personal insults. Of course, when they see it necessary, the recourse to the powers of the imperialistic régime of military occupation is the decisive and permanent economic and political factor they use to solve the “internal” disputes.
In the reactionary “division of the ideological-political work” that has been established and developed among the unarmed institutionalists of the Pnv and the armed ones of the Eta, “the institutional path” of the Pnv has led to strategic submission, corruption and incorporation to the established fascist order. On their part, the Eta bureaucracies of “the armed struggle and the revolutionary war” have recuperated the unavoidable “spillovers”, systematically decimated the base of the national Resistance, and turned the most naïve, unwary or reckless of their followers: defrauded by the collaboration or exasperated by the imperialistic and fascist provocation and repression, into desperados ready to end up in the cemetery or the jail; with the torture, the distant prisons, the increasingly troublesome exiles, and “the cemeteries under the moon” as their fatal destiny. Unless the continuous and unjustified burning of militants, the depletion and destruction of resources (exorbitant for the obtained results), the provocation, the denunciation and self-denunciation: which are the inevitable effect of the Eta “action-reaction” scheme, do not turn them before into repentant defectors and renegades in the service of the fascism in power. Pnv “institutional” cretinism, on the one hand, and Eta “armed” infantilism, on the other, do not integrate two terms of a political alternative; they are, by a constitutive deficiency, the same thing.
The “institutionalism” and the attempts are an expression and consequence of the military occupation under the French-Spanish imperialistic régime, and of the incurable political conflict that the imperialism does entail until its liquidation is achieved; but they are also the product and alibi of the political incapability and of the strategic submission, collaboration, complicity and betrayal of the Pnv-Eta bureaucracies that advocate and maintain them. By themselves, such procedures do exclude any real political alternative to French-Spanish imperialism and fascism. Whichever way you look at it, the ideology of “the abertzale [patriotic] right and left” reverts to the denial and disguise of imperialism and fascism of Francespain as a determining political reality in our Country; and to their tenacious, stubborn and insane affirmation: either stupid or bought, as “democracy”.
It could be thought that the Eta, due to its very decisive component consisting in what they call “armed fight and revolutionary war”, that is: the attempts, would at least escape the aforementioned degenerative drift inherent in the bureaucratism established in the Pnv. But if only external factors can disrupt the bureaucratic immobilization and drift of the official Pnv, also only external changes can affect the “continuous movement” resulting from the attempts and their repression. (As in all “activism”, the appearance of movement conceals the reality of stagnation.)
Let’s see, in the Eta, internal promotion and selection are obtained according to the proven capability to carry out attempts. Now then, the attempts do not produce – no more than the football or the physical sciences – the political capacity. Instead, what the attempts do certainly elicit and facilitate is the fascist repression, so that the bureaucracy of this group does not have time to stabilize and develop itself; which means that it is the imperialistic criminal Violence that takes care of imposing the forced renewal of the “activist” leading bureaucracies, starting from new adherents without past nor experience. But this same factor prevents their phased evolution and progress, since the new “leading layer”: which replaces the one that police repression has put out of circulation, does always start at the same level and leaves the empty post as it took it; so the next one starts again without learning anything in the experience.
Notwithstanding, and despite being an organization without ideological defences, the Spanish social-imperialistic infiltration in the Eta: very active in the sixties, could not penetrate that group so easily nor did it achieve its integral recuperation; something that the infiltration of Falange did manage to achieve with the PsoE. Unlike the latter, the infiltration of imperialism in the Eta found within this group the limit that entails its own method of organic selection, that is: the carrying out of attacks against Spanish fascism; something that the infiltrated Spanish social-imperialists could not undertake, consequently limiting themselves to settling next in its ambiguous and more discreet proximity.
Yet finally, with the abandonment of the attempts – the result of a long process – and with the unilateral and definite truce or ceasefire, the Eta group does not at all differ from the Pnv and does fatally revert to the paternal house, of which it is a disappointed but cyclical section and reaction; unless its renegades – as it has indeed happened – seek way-out, consolation and justification in the sinecures of the traditional Francoist Party or in the ranks of Falange/PsoE, which makes no difference. In this way, its ruinous and false “revolutionary war” and its purported campaigns of “excitation-consciousness raising” (always infrastrategic and recuperated by Spanish social-imperialism), as well as its sham Marxism-Leninism and the votes so often brought in for the “electoral legitimacy” of the Second Francoism since 1979, end up returning to the starting point: the family home of the Pnv, or else they insert themselves undisguisedly into the ideology and policy of imperialism as sub-agents of Spanish or French social-imperialism; as is currently happening under the infiltrated agents and demagogues who “run” the group Ehbildu.
Continuous, empty and repetitive “proposals for the construction of Euskal Herria and for the democratic resolution of the conflict” (which they are not even able to formulate correctly): in the Anaitasuna or Anoeta stadiums, in Altsasu or in Lizarra-Garazi etc., try to hide the reality of French-Spanish imperialism; which is what they conceal behind those exercises of collective suggestion “for the resolution of the conflict through the democratic paths”. According to them, those are paths that subsist within the French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime that does military occupy our Country and that they do not tire of calling at all times “democracy”.
This is, of course, a vain attempt, because, in the absence of a strategic base: which is what they do not have no matter how much collective suggestion and mirages they develop in those “performances”, the concessions obtained and the feints they can make are of no use to them. And this is so because imperialism: which they have recognized and accepted as democracy with their “participation in the democratic institutions”, has them caught by the throat and it will not let go of the prey as long as they do not condemn their unique identity reference of the past: the attempts; and as long as they do not unequivocally recognize the legitimacy of the French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime of military occupation of our Country.
In other words: if the French-Spanish régime of military occupation and its institutions are democratic, as they themselves have recognized, then the attempts against it and its institutions are and have always been criminal; and anything other than recognizing it as such is ruled out. This is the end of the story they themselves have written.
The fanatical and dogmatic sectarianism of the Eta group, and its ignorance and absolute theoretical incapacity along with its arrogance, have resulted in their own acceptance of the qualification of “terrorists” (with which they have also soiled the name of the Basque People, of which they always claimed representatives), the confusion, self-blaming and demoralization of our People, the penetration of Spanish social-imperialism – pseudo-Marxist and pseudo-revolutionary – in our Country through them, and finally their own integration into Spanish – and French – imperialism, recognized by them as “democracy and the State” of their own. The balance of the Eta could not have been more disastrous for the Basque People.
Between the official Pnv and the Eta, the numerous “intermediate” sects are but commuter buses – with food and shelter, acclimatization stations and harbours for passengers – that cover the interstellar spaces of the local policy, and that facilitate and disguise the return and recuperation of the disillusioned, frustrated, bounced and renegade elements of the purported “armed struggle and revolutionary war” of the Eta; making it more discreet and less painful for them the inevitable transit towards the Pnv.
To tell the truth, this question of “combining institutional collaboration and attempts” – which is not the same thing as combining legality and illegality – without having a strategic base that makes possible that combination, has become impossible. It’s just that, whatever they do, “the armed radicals and the unarmed moderates” cannot solve the problem of imperialism, since they do consciously or unconsciously start from the denial of the imperialistic political reality. From there, it is impossible to solve a problem that they themselves deny, or that they take for solved or non-existent, from the very moment in which they pretend that it can be solved “by the word and the dialogue in the absence of any violence”; being so that imperialism is not the absence but precisely and accurately the constant, invariable and multi-centennial presence of French-Spanish criminal Violence against the Basque People and its State, the Kingdom of Nabarre: absolutely and totally denied and repressed “by hook or by crook”, either through (false) “dialogue” or cannons. A French-Spanish criminal Violence and Terrorism that the liquidationist bureaucracy Pnv-Eta and its satellites – Ea-Ehbildu-Sortu-Geroa bai etc. – are affirming for at least half a century that it is democracy.
Indeed, once again, these boxers already punch-drunk by the blows (but who were already like this from the beginning, as a result of a century of intellectual and political degradation of the purported “Basque nationalist political class” that has arrogated the representation of the Basque People), what they finally come to tell us is that we must admit French-Spanish imperialism as “democracy” etc.
That is to say: after their total capitulation, the intransigent protagonists and panegyrists of “the revolutionary war and the armed struggle” who looked down on the others, continue to give us lessons; but, after they have converted “to pacifism and non-violence” (the non-violence of the dominated people, of course, which leaves intact the criminal violence of the dominators that they accept continues as usual and that in addition they call it “democracy”), now they preach to us the goodness of their new religion. This means to make the Basque People believe that the imperialistic, colonialist and fascist occupying States of France and Spain are going to retreat before “word and dialogue”, and that they are going to unilaterally and generously renounce their monopoly of criminal Violence and to their domination and exploitation of the Basque People. That is, they want to make it believe that these States too have converted to (democratic) Christianity and that they are no longer criminal, imperialistic and fascist States. All of which is not only to ignore but – more radically – to deny the historical essence and existence of the Spanish and French imperialism and fascism on the Basque People and its State: the Kingdom of Nabarre.
But French-Spanish imperialism and fascism exist and do not dialogue; should they do it, they would not be imperialism and fascism. If imperialism and fascism were to dialogue, and if they did unconditionally and immediately respect the fundamental human rights and above all the right of self-determination or independence of all Peoples, then they would not be imperialism and fascism, and we would have no imperialistic problem to solve. But unfortunately they are so and that problem does exist, and consequently, they do not dialogue except for calling “dialogue” the unconditional and immediate acceptance of their criminal imperialistic domination and the “laws and Constitutions” that “legitimize” it. Now then, this is the antithesis of the authentic dialogue, which is based on the recognition and acceptance of the alterity of the person – either indivivual or collective – with whom one establishes dialogue; whereas imperialism is based on the denial and rejection of the alterity and therefore the rights of the subjugated Peoples, on the correlative affirmation of its reification, and – in any case – on the establishment upon them of the eternal Nationalist-imperialistic master-slave dialectic.
The imperialists and fascists do not dialogue; what they do is to impose their domination by means of aggression, monopoly of imperialistic criminal Violence, and countless, horrendous and imprescriptible crimes against the laws of war, against peace and security of Peoples and their legitimately constituted States (as it is the case of the Basque People and its State the Kingdom of Nabarre), and against Humanity; all of which they: comforted by the stupid and/or bought complicity of the Pnv-Eta bureaucracy of traitors, are calling “democracy” for almost half a century now. The imperialists and fascists do not dialogue. Sometimes, when the strategic relationship of forces does inevitably force them to do so, they negotiate; which is very far from occurring in the occupied territories of the Basque People, which the Pnv-Eta group has reduced to political and ideological defencelessness.
Anyway, these groups do no longer deceive anybody. Anyone can see that their absurd “plans to solve the political conflict once and for all, through a process of self-determination in the absence of all violence whether legalized or of response” etc., consist of limiting themselves to adopt, one after the other, all the conditions that the Spanish fascist régime is imposing on them for the preservation or recuperation of the income and privileges of the imperialistic legality, without which they cannot subsist. Actually, they have long ago renounced to a policy of national liberation in which they do not believe. The only thing they already want is to retain or regain the privileges and income of the collaboration.
(The Eta bureaucracy was announcing non-stop for forty years that it was willing to negotiate, which everybody knew. The one who was not willing was the régime. This recalls the “conditions” of the Pnv, the PcE etc. to participate in the “transition”, when they only asked to be allowed to participate. The attempt to make others believe otherwise has not given any result either to the former or to the latter.)
Insofar as betrayal and collaborationist opportunism weaken the real opposition, they do fatally weaken also themselves until disappearing along with the opposition. In the seventies of the last century, the Spanish Government of the intra-totalitarian transition went out of its way so that the “Basque” traitors and armed and unarmed collaborationists would participate in the farce of its “general elections” and the rest of Spanish totalitarian and fascist institutions. Finally, also the Eta group ended up consolidating the Spanish fascist régime of military occupation of the Basque People and its State as a “democratic” one; and did without conditions accept the institutional participation in it despite its “revolutionary war-bietan jarrai” as an absurd “alibi” (with the hecatomb of militants and its final one-sided truce-surrender as a result), up to end-up believing that it was negotiating.
Vainly did the Eta try to justify itself for having accepted and ended up doing in 1979 the same thing that two years earlier, in the Spanish “general elections” of 1977, it had rejected and correctly described as treason. Next, now that “we have advanced a lot” backwards, the traditional Francoism: considering that it could do without the Eta’s cooperation and even without its own make-up of “transition”, did kick out of the “playing ground” those that it had brought in so that they would “legitimize” it. And then, after seeing the dismantling of the autonomy-trap and that its rewards were in danger, the Eta did beg for the return to the delights and revenues of the legalization and collaboration for the benefit of them all and primarily of the Pnv, which was in a permanent alliance with the Spanish Terrorists-Nationalists-Fascists, whether they be of the Falange/PsoE or of the Pp.
The bureaucratic conglomerate Pnv-Eta cannot and does not want to leave its present condition because it has nowhere to go; unless it makes a review of such a scope that it would be the end of its entity and identity. Their own corresponding corporate and bureaucratic structure itself prevents them from and closes any possibility of evolution or adaptation: either ideological or political. As far as the puppets of the Pnv-Eta group are concerned, they don’t ask already for something better than to continue in this situation of morass, ruin and strategic liquidation of the democratic forces of the Basque People and its occupied State.
This result, to which they have reduced our Country, is necessarily implicated in their business of – rather than collaborationism – betrayal, corruption, liquidation and submission of our Country, for the benefit of the French-Spanish régime of military occupation. An imperialistic and fascist régime that they deny it to be so; that they do on the contrary affirm it as democracy; with whose imperialistic “elections” they have for half a century been carrying out the totalitarian integration of our Country as a part of “Spain”; and to which they do expressly and openly guarantee the continuity of the situation and its “democratic” stability for good, that is: as long as that régime continues to be in need of their unbearable assistance. This need will be in a permanent evaluation, and its continuity will exclusively depend on the residual force of National Resistance that the imperialism verifies in the subjugated People.
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