The end of the Eta group and imperialistic propaganda
THE END OF THE ETA GROUP AND IMPERIALISTIC PROPAGANDA
Iñaki Aginaga y Felipe Campo
Index
1. – Introduction
2. – “Institutionalism”, “activism” and collaboration
3. – Democratic criticism of the infrastrategic activism and its ideology
4. – The end of Terrorism
1. – Introduction
The elaborated staging set up by the Eta bureaucratic group on “the end of its trajectory and activities”: announced amid a lot of hype from Geneva (Helvetic Confederation) on 2018, May the 3rd, has been characterized by a new media campaign dedicated – once more – to repeat without the slightest sense of decency or at least of ridicule the only thing that this bureaucracy has done well throughout its dismal existence, namely: the self-glorification and the deception and prejudice to the Basque People. And, since it did so with its electoral capitulation in March-1979, it has once again recognized the French-Spanish régime of military occupation and the States of Spain and France: imperialistic, colonialist, terrorist and fascist over the Basque People and its State the Kingdom of Nabarre, as their own ones, non-Nationalist, non-violent, lawful and democratic”; to their everlasting shame, and this Country’s confusion and weakening.
Thanks to that final advertising montage of the Eta group, and to the panel of unwary or venal “lawyers, facilitators and international experts” gathered in Kanbo (Laburdi) the next day (who have clad it with purported reliability and importance at the expense of the taxpayers of this Country), we do now know that “the last armed confrontation in Europe has been outpaced”; that, as a result, we are about to achieve “a righteous and lasting peace [that is: submission] in this region”; that “our society was already fully non-violent after the previous definitive cessation of all its armed activities”, which were – as they all hold – “the only violence in this region” and as it seems in the Continent; and that “building peace and democracy does need” (apart from “trifles” that are not mentioned in the speech, such as the validity and respect for the fundamental human rights and above all the right of self-determination of all Peoples: the first of human rights and the precondition of them all) basically “a political dialogue”; a political dialogue that they take for granted that those occupying States are sincerely eager to accept and implement with all its consequences.
Nevertheless, those who declare their going into self-liquidation and their attentive travel companions: make-up artists and unscrupulous or lunatic notaries of this stunt, are hiding that the authentic dialogue with the Governments of the States of Spain and of France – honoured in their speech and in a full apologia of them – is impossible, and incompatible with the imperialistic and fascist nature of those States, since the authentic dialogue has as a precondition the acceptance and recognition of the other in his freedom and otherness, and those States deny the very existence of the Basque People and its State, the Kingdom of Nabarre.
(Imperialism and fascism do not dialogue: should they do it, they would not be imperialism and fascism. If imperialism and fascism were to dialogue, and if they did unconditionally and immediately respect the fundamental human rights and above all the right of self-determination or independence of all Peoples, then they would not be imperialism and fascism, and there would be no imperialistic problem to solve. But unfortunately they are so and that problem does exist, and consequently, they do not dialogue except for calling “dialogue” the unconditional and immediate acceptance of their criminal imperialistic domination and the “laws and Constitutions” that “legitimize” it; which is the antithesis of the authentic dialogue. This is based on the recognition and acceptance of the alterity of the person with whom one establishes dialogue, whereas imperialism is based on the denial and rejection of the alterity and therefore the rights of the subjugated Peoples, and on the correlative affirmation of its reification or in any case on the establishment upon them of the eternal master-slave Nationalist dialectic.
The imperialists and fascists do not dialogue; what they do is to impose their domination by means of aggression, monopoly of imperialistic violence, and countless, horrendous and imprescriptible crimes against the laws of war, against peace and security of Peoples and their legitimately constituted States as it is the case of the Basque People and its State the Kingdom of Nabarre, and against Humanity; all of which they: comforted by the stupid or bought complicity of the Pnv-Eta collaborationists, are calling it “democracy” for forty-two years now. The imperialists and fascists do not dialogue. Sometimes, when the strategic relationship does inevitably force them to do so, they negotiate; which is very far from occurring in the occupied territories of the Basque People, which the Pnv-Eta group has reduced to political and ideological defencelessness.)
That so-called “Declaration of Arnaga” (Kanbo, 2018, May the 4th): with all the ceremony that has accompanied it, involves the quintessence of the ideological camouflage of the French-Spanish imperialism on our Country, and it could have been worded by the honourees Governments of Spain and of France. It is the icing on the cake of the material, human and political disaster and ruin that the bureaucracy of the Eta bequeaths as a unique result of its existence to the long-suffering Basque People, to whose bosom it announces that is returning after having erred for half a century. We wish that the rank-and-file militants who are still prisoners could do it: eventually empty-handed, but – unlike how their bureaucracy has ended in Arnaga – at least without mortgages or submission to the fascist régime!
It’s “a day for celebration”, there affirms that clique of lunatics and/or impostors, if not camouflaged agents of the imperialism, who without dissimulation contemplate the obscene act only as submission to the imperialism of France and of Spain, and as the abandonment of any Resistance. Yet, the only possible celebration for the Basque People consists in the unmasking and repudiation of this masquerade, along with the re-affirmation of an unbreakable determination to achieve national independence and democracy: issues that are both absolutely united and inseparable, and which have been totally absent in that Declaration/masquerade.
Before the heap of forgery and concealment of the imperialistic reality: that once more is spread throughout this Country without limits by means of the huge power of the media monopolies of a global establishment, and without the slightest chance of democratic contrast (all of it favoured by the inability and betrayal of the purported Basque political class), it is necessary to make at least a minimal exposition of the fundamental facts that they all jealously need to hide.
2. – “Institutionalism”, “activism” and collaboration
After General Franco’s death (in his own bed), the Francoist régime: keeping intact all the agents, judiciary, institutions and achievements – very especially the monopoly of criminal violence – of the Spanish traditional unitary régime established by the triumph of Fascism in the civil and international war of 1936-7, was overnight declared democratic at the modest price of minor formal reforms and totalitarian “general elections”; and the bureaucratic “Basque opposition” Pnv did support that fraud of the intra-totalitarian transition, which meant a disastrous immersion of the Basque People in the unitary, imperialistic and fascist Spanish magma.
In spite of the instinctive refusal of broad social strata to take part in that bureaucratic and undemocratic manoeuvre (and of its express denouncement made by a significant ideological sector of the Country, which called for its boycott), the purchased or thoughtless collaboration of an alleged Basque “moderate” political class had managed itself in June 1977 to drag part of the Country to continue participating once more: as it had done since 1931, in Spanish “elections” presented as “democratic”. Unable to learn anything, the Pnv bureaucrats did again re-join the Spanish fascist régime; thus making it possible the continuity and consolidation upon our People of the Spanish colonialism (renewed and reinforced after its warlike imposition with the disguise of “elections and democracy”), of its imperialistic Nationalism, and of the totalitarianism of its juridical and ideological monopolies based on its monopoly of criminal violence: absolutely reaffirmed after our Country’s defeat in 1937.
On their part, the purported “radicals”: followers of what they called “armed struggle”, were unable to make the criticism of their sterile and disastrous plan of resorting to the path of individual attempts and commandos vs. a professional land, sea and air Army of occupation; and of individual “terrorism” vs. State Terrorism: ruinous and infra-strategic response to a régime of military occupation which held the absolute monopoly of criminal violence. Thus, they kept to their insane and arrogant messiahship, and this even when they could have seen confirmed the unequivocal response and broad popular base of the National Resistance Movement in several key moments after the aforementioned “electoral” claudication of the Pnv, among them: the March of Freedom in July-August 1977, or the semi-insurrectionary movement which arose spontaneously in the country in July 1978.
But they were not able to see it, so from those moments it was clear their loss not only of all sense of reality but even of the basic instinct for self-preservation; and so they continued on the same path that has ended now with the pathetic final rattle of Geneva, prettified by the “special effects” of their wilful fellow travellers in Arnaga.
Until they reached this situation, the leaders of the Eta went in the first place through their own capitulation: first electoral in the following “elections” of March-1979. (See our article “Again general elections”, of February-1979.) From there, and following in the wake of the betrayal formally assumed by the Pnv bureaucracy in June-1977, they also entered into collaborationism and betrayal, and recognized the Spanish fascist régime as “legitimate, non-violent and democratic”, while trying to hide that operation from the Basque People with the deception that they maintained their absurd and simultaneous “armed activism” that they called “bietan jarrai”. With all this they were jeopardizing our Country with the worst consequences, since they were making possible the increase of State Terrorist repression against our People, along with the simultaneous international reinforcement of the Spanish fascist régime that they themselves had recognized as “democratic” etc. Finally, these infamous deceptions of the People came to an end with the final capitulation of the Eta, announced on October 20th, 2011, as a “definitive cessation of its armed activity”.
On an ideological level, the deceptions and damages caused by the Eta were not minor: supplanting of the right of self-determination (first of fundamental human rights and precondition of them all) and of legitimate self-defence, replaced as a “right to decide between all the possible options, all of them democratic” (including the continuation of imperialism); widespread demoralization and disrepute of our People; electoral and political capitulation of broad social sectors; blocking and weakening of the National Resistance Movement while being assimilated to “terrorism”; recognition of the damage caused to the fascism presented as an innocent victim etc. etc.
Since the intra-totalitarian “transition”, the “Basque” agents collaborationist with Spanish imperialism – and the armed and unarmed institutionalist accomplices of the liquidationist bureaucracy Pnv-Eta and its satellites – did actively and effectively participate in the task: vital for the régime of military occupation, of hiding, preventing, aborting and suppressing any theoretical or practical approach led to the creation or the development of an ideological and political opposition of strategic level against imperialism. For that purpose, they allied themselves to and benefited from the fascist monopolies of violence and propaganda, so as to convey the inability, misinformation, confusion and division to their popular basis. They recognized the criminal occupying State as their own, and the Francoist armed forces as democratic and non-violent; and they are competing since then with the traditional Francoism in order to reach its trust, favour and benevolence, without which they run out of the party.
In the perspective of national freedom, which in such conditions was doomed was the Basque People. For greater safety, the monopolistic “moderate and radical” propaganda: transmitted by the unarmed and armed Basque collaborationists and accomplices, led to make believe the public opinion and the victims of the imperialism that all political opposition of strategic level, that any real democratic alternative, that a way different from “the institutional and the armed” ones were not only sociologically but also logically an absolute impossibility, a formal absurdity: something like the fourth angle of a triangle. “It’s either this, or take to the heather.”
The only possible strategy against imperialism: which had been already historically and sociologically established in this Country on the absolute non-recognition and denunciation of the imperialistic and fascist régime, and on the total refusal to collaborate in its impossible “democratic consolidation”, was thus a priori and expressly excluded by the collaborationist and accomplice organizations, corporations and bureaucracies of “moderates and radicals”. In this way, “the abertzale [patriotic] right and left” have declared non-existent, insoluble and absurd everything they don’t understand, nor want to understand, nor have any interest in understanding. The inevitable result has been the political frustration and despair of their victims: favourable ground for the defection, corruption and propaganda of “the institutional path and the armed struggle”.
Their purported leaders, with their strategy of liquidation, have always tried to hide and devalue: theoretically and practically, the reality and the function of the People itself as fundamental ideological and political agent; and have not hesitated in discrediting and humiliating the People that they claim to represent and defend, ruining with it the very foundation of the strategic implementation. Yet, the reality is that, quite on the contrary, it is the popular spontaneity and the political culture familiarly transmitted that have made it partially possible for the Basque People to endure, not without dire consequences, eight centuries of occupation, genocide, terrorism, colonization and plunder of France and of Spain, and finally the formidable onslaught of multinational fascism and its complementary allies “of the Left”: the French and Spanish National-communists and National-socialists (in their double form of autochthonous Renegades or allogeneous Colonists), and not the action or the propaganda of the Pnv and its satellites, who have been and are until today the retardant, reducer and reactionary mislaying of the Resistance.
In order to hide the inevitable, inherent and disastrous result of the policy of ideological and political liquidation that they had promoted under the conditions of the triumphant fascism; in order to validate, glorify, exalt, sublimate, preserve, promote and accredit by reference the romantic falsification of what had really happened, establishing the affirmation of the Promethean, demiurgic and thaumaturgic entity and function that the Pnv-Eta team attributed for itself was a prior ideological assumption, for whose maintenance it was necessary to deny both the imperialistic and fascist nature of the renewed transitive régime of occupation, as well as the reality of the popular forces. On the one hand, establishing the “democratic and non-violent” nature of the régime was “necessary” for them in order that their “institutional struggle” and “armed struggle” might have political credibility. On the other, the history, validity and strategic potentiality of the Resistance and of the popular movements “necessarily” had to be non-existent or discredited, so that the “ruling elite” might accredit its rank and function.
However, none of this was true. The first general strikes and other anti-fascist mass demonstrations after the war occurred in 1947, 51, 53, 56, 58. The popular demonstration-tribute on the occasion of President Agirre’s funeral in San Jean de Luz took place in 1960. The first post-war celebrations of Aberri-egun in Gernika and Bergara, and of International Worker’s Day in the Capital Towns, towns took place in 1964/65. All those movements of masses of the 1950s and 1960s – not to mention the popular movements of all kinds – that were able to create the ikastola (Basque schools) and the cooperatives in general etc. – refute the alleged absence of popular opposition. To present the movements of masses of the 1950s and 1960s (and the rise of the political, ideological and artistic-cultural pressure) as proofs of the achievements of the bureaucratism and the attempts is to falsify and make inexplicable the reality; is to lower the Country that they pretend to be defending, and to reverse the cause and the effect. All that in the service of the retardant and reactionary Pnv-Eta political subclass that has stupefied the Country for the benefit of the imperialistic domination. It’s already half a century ago that the sabotage, deceit, farce and mockery are continuing in this way, while ensuring at the same time the corporate continuity of the collaborationist rear-guard, officially approved as a triumphant vanguard.
The ideological helplessness and the political defencelessness of the social basis: a consequence of the “institutional path and the armed struggle”, became the “necessary” antecedent in order to establish the imaginary success – it is: the real failure – of the “leading” bureaucracies. Their own inability was presented as inevitable “realistic-possibilistic adaptation to the inability of the base”, which they themselves – as a consequence of a social weakness which was really a result of their own “strategy” – had disabled due to a process of which they had been the necessary cause. The spontaneity of masses was replaced with the spontaneous generation of the “vanguard”; and thus, since there is no avant-garde without the correlative rear-guard, the retardant nature of the popular base was deduced with the same “necessity”.
Once that had been “founded” in this way: through apriorism, postulate, axiom or dogmatic statement, both the function as well as the protagonism and supremacy of “the Organization”, next can be comfortably drawn the premise, the reference and the starting point for the “tautological” evaluation and determination of the social base and its strategic virtuality, with the petitio principii as the sole and constant demonstrative base. That is to say: if the Pnv-Eta group is the vanguard, “it is clear” that outside of it there’s only place for the rear-guard.
The issues relating to the organizations, part of the general issue of social struggles, are thus turned into their theoretical and practical premise; and the purposes and means of the popular base are determined and evaluated on the basis of those that the “vanguard” seeks to impose. Methodological reversal whose implications and consequences should not surprise anybody.
“The capital event of the last fifty years: which has saved this Country from its disappearance, is the development of the Eta movement”, they keep saying shamelessly at the very moment when they announce their own dismantling. According to the propaganda of the Eta, “the new Basque resistance” was born “in a completely alienated population and in a pathway of total assimilation”. To reduce or deny the national base in order to build, exalt, sublimate or justify by reference one’s own ideological and political image is particularly devious, despicable, reactionary and nefarious a form of self-promotion and propaganda. It’s the only way that they have found to pull the wool over people’s eyes, in order to bring credibility to the “institutional path and the armed struggle”.
Yet, the truth is that the Eta attempts were a belated and secondary fact: a simple epiphenomenon, which was developed in response to the strategic liquidation of the democratic policy of national independence that had been maintained by the Basque popular forces, gathered around the Government of Euskadi in exile. A liquidation illegally and clandestinely carried out by the dissident Pnv-Anv bureaucracy after Lehendakari Agirre's death, which was required by the Spanish National-imperialistic “opposition” (primarily Falange-PsoE) as the only way to achieve its integration with it in order to establish the bases of the future unitary “Spanish democracy”, that is: the imperialistic and fascist One, Great and Free Spain of always, which is what there remains now.
These pacts of liquidation (mainly the Pact of Munich, in 1962): hidden to the people and always ignored by the Eta itself that was unconsciously arising as a reaction to them, were reported to the Country from the first moment, between the attacks and slander of all of them against those who denounced the betrayal of that alliance with the Spanish national-imperialism, founded on the abandonment of the most basic national and democratic principles.
Against what the so-called “opponents of always” of the attempts – and their revisionist accomplices – do now claim, the democratic criticism of the individual “terrorism” had begun: both outside and inside this Country, before the attempts began under General Franco’s Organic Democracy, and continued during the long period in which the agents and supporters of the Pnv, PsoE and other components of the inorganic “opposition” were extremely discrete, tolerant, benevolent, sympathetic, cooperating and recuperating with the actors of the so-called “armed struggle and revolutionary war”; something that now all of them would like to be able to hide.
However, those intentions to introduce rationality and efficiency in the political debate: inescapable requirement of all movement of national liberation even more necessary under an imperialistic and fascist régime, were always presented, rejected and despised by the agents and supporters of the “Pnv-ist and activist move” as paralyzing “salon theorizations” typical of “intellectuals” or something worse:
“But soon our people began to see weird things. [...] what was needed to be done was to get trained, waiting for D-day, in which it would be time to do what was to be done. This was their thesis. Absolute inhibition of any action. Training and training, courses of this and of that, many meetings, many conferences... and no action. [...] We saw on this phenomenon of D-day, of no action and much training, the far-reaching hand of the [secret] Services.” (Javier Ortiz; Xabier Arzalluz: Así fue.)
Leaving aside those ridiculous, contemptible and shameless simplifications and falsehoods, when not flagrant falsifications and slanders, they are all of them: those who have led the Country to the current disaster through collaboration and “activism”, those who were involved as agents in that catastrophic and crazy plan of waste of human lives, that suicidal “spiral of violence and action-reaction” (with the development of the fascist violence, action and reaction as a result), and those who applauded or “understood” them.
They are all of them the same ones who do now hypocritically bemoan about the obtained results, and wonder how it can be possible that we have reached the current situation, while concealing that it was themselves who fought by all means – including those provided to them by the fascist régime – the correct strategy and those who did defend it and warn about the errors of them all, namely: the liquidation of the national institutions and strategy of Resistance, so as to implement in its place, on the one hand, the recognition of the fascist régime passing to the institutional collaboration with it; and, on the other, the “individual terrorism” of the attempts. They are the same ones that have no qualms about abducting and paralyzing now the National Resistance Movement, and about subordinating it to the objective of getting out from prisons – or bringing them closer to what they call “Basque jails” – the prisoners who would not have entered into prison if they had listened to what they had been advised. (The dead cannot be resurrected.) Not to mention that in addition there would had been accomplished what was to be done and not exactly the opposite; with all the consequences that we thereby have had to undergo and that we are still enduring.
The politician, the war chief or the high-level chess player are not, nor can or should be outstanding theorists, not even in their specialty: it rather can be said otherwise, but they’re never ignorant of the theoretical foundations without which there is no possible practice. The mastery in their respective specific “arts” does not necessarily involve nor is reducible to their mastery of the pure or applied sciences, but it does turn out to be incompatible with the absence or total ignorance of them.
“Choros 2: To me, it seems we ought to fall upon them / At quickest: prove the fact by sword fresh-flowing!
“Choros 3: And I, of such opinion the partaker, / Vote to do something: not to wait – the main point! [...]
“Choros 6: I know not – chancing on some plan – to counsel now: / Yet, ‘t is for the doer to plan of the deed before.” (Aeschylus; Agamemnon, vv. 1350-1359.)
“Policy is action; but without theory, there is no practice.” “The theory is a guide for the action.” “Organization is the form of mediation between theory and practice.” “All political theory is a theory of the action and is verified in the practice.” “An action is not positive or negative in itself but according to the strategic structure in which it is included” etc. Such ideas: repeatedly formulated and discussed in our publications and meetings, weren’t new even though here they look so. We quoted them as they had been exposed – horresco referens – by Lenin and Lukács, among others (which was enough to bring over us all the trash of fanatics and reactionary-Pnv-clerical supporters that surrounded us), and remain today as valid as before.
Yet, for the activists and “realists” supporters of the “armed struggle”, “to think, write, and all that is useless, the important thing is to do”, even though they didn’t know very well what to do, or what for. The concern of them all was always to drag the masses in demonstration into the streets (or into the “polling stations” on the D-day that the fascist régime would appoint for going to vote), whenever they could and they should be somewhere else. A resource that was added to the fetish-strike, to the convulsive agitation, to the action for action’s sake, to the abandonment of all critical sense in the democratic policy.
“The important thing is to do.” Marooned to themselves (either in their condition of followers of the Eta ideological sectarianism, or as victims of their own Pnv obscurantism), they have been incapable of realizing that their own “realistic and practical” activist sentence is itself a theory, although one of the bad kind. “The institutional path and the revolutionary war” imply and are also a theory, the same as any political or para-political action. The hypostatical dualism of “the theory and the practice”, like others, is the result of obscurantism and repression of the ideas maintained by the Pnv and its satellites, including the Eta, which have wrecked the popular Resistance against imperialism; beginning, for it, with the turning of their own followers into barmy people.
The “dualism” of theory and practice has been heavily used by some “practical-realists” ideologists in order to discredit those who they have previously had the precaution to qualify as “theorists”. However, this line of reasoning (?) seems to ignore that a political practice cannot be theoretically opposed to a political theory: only a theory can be theoretically opposed to another. Now then, given the purpose of its application, the political theory is a theory of the practice and for the practice. Therefore, if it is erroneous in practice, it is not correct as a theory; and if it is correct as a theory, it is also correct in practice. It cannot be accurately coherent as a theory, and incorrectly incoherent as practice; but formal logic and imperialistic propaganda are very different things, as we can verify every day. This Country has been a paradise for a whole throng of unscrupulous incompetents, impostors, careerists and charlatans of every background and kind; who, after having discovered a vocation of “politicians” who they themselves did not suspect, have found in it a mine to exploit in their own advantage, always at the service of the imperialism. The price that our Country has had to pay for it has been excessive.
An erroneous or quasi-non-existent theory generates a null or disastrous policy; which, in its turn has as a consequence the sterility or the theoretical ruin. It is precisely this: intellectual corruption enhanced by moral corruption through money, that led the Pnv-Eta bureaucracy to the decision of recognizing the Spanish fascist régime as democratic in 1977-9. Instead, a policy that honestly applies or takes into account the theoretical or scientific bases of one’s own social and historical structure, creates the conditions that enable criticism, and the correct theoretical and scientific creativity and contribution. What the Pnv bureaucracy and its “moderate and radical” satellites have contributed to the social and historical ideology and culture of our People in the questions of politics, law and war, violence and terrorism, the theory of the State, the right of self-determination, “Marxism-Leninism” and historical materialism, the problem of “national struggle-class struggle”, the structural entity of the language, or the irruption of ecology in the political economy etc.? Strictly nothing, except confusion and added obstacles, dogmatism and obscurantism. All the ideas that constitute a contribution in such matters, come from the democratic theory and criticism and are attached to them.
Obscurantist traditionalism, “revolutionary” romanticism, and cultural, ideological and political underdevelopment could not have another different result. It has no further interest to know whether the armed and unarmed institutionalists: either directors or directed, are really as stupid as they seem to be, or as clever as to be ready to play the fools in order to better deceive their unwary followers and victims. What matters is that, in fact, they have adopted and do affect the recurring themes of the official propaganda even when they want to or pretend being opposed to it; and it is undeniable that there is no more misleading and dangerous an approval than the one that is presented as disapproval.
Arzalluz, for example, in his role of leader of the Pnv bureaucratic group, found it “embarrassing” and “reproved” Article 8 of the “Constitution”. The armed and unarmed aboriginal institutionalists do prudently “warn” us of the threat and danger of military intervention: “the Constitution still maintains the possibility of a military intervention”, they say, while concealing that “the Constitution” consists of the constitutive violence of the fascist and imperialistic régime emerged from the war of 1936 and from those that preceded it. This leads the Pnv and its satellites, including the Eta, to the claim of “reforming, developing and democratizing” the formal “Constitution” through the deletion of its Article 8, “which gives its power to the Spanish Army”.
After having stupefied their victims for decades, redounding on them the imperialistic propaganda of the “democratic non-violent” régime, lo and behold that “moderate non-violent and radical violent” collaborators do warn us of the “danger” of military intervention granted in the “Constitution”. But the warning arrives late, at least with twelve centuries of delay. In any case, after eight hundred years of military occupation with all its implications, one can wonder what else will need the cautious and forward-looking armed and unarmed “moderate and radical leaders” to discover that the army did “intervene” already since a long time, and that the Basque People and State are “intervened” since then: whatever the juncture, the form of intervention, or the formal constitutional variant in force may be. In this regard, it should not be forgotten that, even though all war and all right is founded on violence, this does not imply a permanent action or case-by-case of all the weapons available. (Just as neither under General Franco’s dictatorship did cannons and tanks practice systematic or continuous fire.)
They cannot and do not want to see that the Army does not receive its power from the eighth Article. It’s, quite to the contrary, the power of the Army which founds Article 8 and, with it, all the formal and secondary Spanish “Constitution”. The guns of the Army do found, first and foremost, the real and primary constitution: a direct result of the wars that the Army won and that the others lost, and necessary assumption of the formal and secondary “Constitution”. Without the power of the Army there is no constituted “Constitution” nor constituent constitution, nor imperialistic political régime to be reformed, developed, democratized or deleted.
The “abolition of the eighth Article” is an objective that, once more, denies or takes for solved the real problem, namely: the reality of the imperialistic, colonialist and fascist régime of military occupation established on the Basque People and its State, the Kingdom of Nabarre; a problem that moderates and radicals try to hide so as to turn the democratic opposition from its real work.
A Constitution is not founded in the “Constituent process” but before it. The drafting of Articles 8 and 2, and of the others, are nothing but incidents and consequence of the secondary and formal constituent process, which is directed and supported by the primary and real constituent power, product of the Spanish and French fascist and imperialistic power. The armed and unarmed institutionalists do thus deny the reality of the régime of military occupation with an idealistic, formalist and reactionary version of the policy (that in this case is furthermore fascist), which they present as if it consisted of rituals, gestures and institutional forms – marginal, derivative and secondary – in suspension or levitation that had nothing to do with the fundamentals of the order of imperialistic violence. They thus conceal the real problem, in order to conceal their own role and responsibility in the deviation of the democratic opposition from its real tasks.
The belated, passive and contemplative “embarrassment” of Arzalluz was as hypocritical as the “abstention” of the Pnv to the Referendum on the Spanish “Constitution” in the year 1978, which in addition was intended to the recuperation and neutralization of the true abstentionist boycott. The fascist régime and its constitutional Articles cannot be fought with embarrassments and abstentions played for the gallery but with a strategic opposition; an opposition that the Pnv-Eta bureaucracy had rejected many years before, even under the régime established by the army of General Franco in which everything else is founded.
The Pnv had rigged the Pacts of Paris and Munich: both of them preparatory of the “transition”; and as if all that – and the participation in 1977 in the Spanish “democratic general elections” – wasn’t enough, it also accepted and recognized, in the Spanish Parliament and in the Referendum, the “Spanish Constitution”: “which, although not being our Constitution, we do accept it as a rightful and democratic one”, according to the official statement of the Pnv led by Arzalluz himself. Counting on such abstentions, the adherences are not needed.
As for the “operation return” of the “radicals”, this had already begun in the 1960s by the penetration among their ranks of the Spanish social-imperialism, with whom they joined in the task of attacking and slandering those who denounced their manoeuvres of liquidation of the democratic and national strategy, and of collaboration with fascism, which involved the designed “transition”. Next, the entry first in the “elections but without participation in parliament”, then in the “elections with participation”, then in the “hot war against the abstention”, the “inevitable negotiation”, the pacts and the proposals etc., were the steps of the unconditional surrender and of the return to the father’s house.
The “transition”, which the avowedly Spanish “opposition” had launched many years before, accelerated the integration in the established régime and in what they called “to open a peace process through exclusively political, democratic and peaceful ways, in absence of all violence (either legalized or in answer), with the elections, the dialogue, the persuasion and conciliation as a means of overcoming the political conflicts” and other reactionary drivel of the sort. It is the same “style” of Arzalluz and of fascism in general, which the media of mass ideological poisoning impose daily to this long-suffering Country.
Without the theory, there is no practice; and without ideology, there is no policy. The theoretical obscurantism and the fossilization of thought do fatally carry political incapability, reaction, underdevelopment and stagnation, which in turn induce collaboration and complicity with imperialism, and reduce all ideological and political Resistance to an infra-strategic level: the axial objective of the imperialistic policy. Obscurantism and ideological repression during fifty years have had as a consequence the lack of communication, regression and ruin of the political culture in this Country. The result is the tenacious and persistent adoption, on the part of the armed and unarmed institutionalists, of the most reactionary assumptions of the ideology that is diffused by the imperialistic and fascist propaganda; an ideology that there has been generally implanted in our Country.
Voluntarily permeated and deeply impregnated by that ideology, and radically incapable for providing the slightest protection against the aggression of the monopolies of propaganda and psychological warfare of the French-Spanish régime of military occupation, or the most rudimentary theoretical umbrella for the increasingly intense ideological deluge that has accompanied the consolidation of the Francoist dictatorship, the armed and unarmed “Basque” institutionalists did – quite on the contrary – turn themselves quickly into the most effective way of infiltration, and into the most effective transmission belt for the penetration of the ideology and policy of the imperialistic régime into the supposedly resistant bastions of the supposed democratic opposition.
In this way, the “abertzale radicals” of the “armed activism”, after several alibis that sought to hide their shameful electioneering drift and capitulation (starting from the initial denouncement of the participation as treason to the People, and passing then to the participation “but with the promise not to attend to the institutions”), dragged in 1979 their followers this time as far as the imperialistic urns, and incorporated them into mendicant participation in the “democratic institutions” of what they call “the State”, that is: in the totalitarian institutions of the fascist and terrorist occupying State that “moderates and radicals” recognize as their own, while they ignore their real own one declaring – in the best of cases – our Country as a “Stateless Nation”. The result thus obtained by the “moderate and radical” Basques has been a strategic catastrophe for the Country: predictable, predicted and announced, that has been added to that of the defeat against Nazi-Fascism.
Cultural under-development, ideological opium, moralistic and idealistic rhetoric, “inevitable negotiation”, liquidation of external and internal democracy, total ignorance of the very political essence, and the sabotage of the own institutions and participation and “legitimation” in those of the others, are insurmountable handicaps that have no place in a world that does not tolerate nor forgive weaknesses, delays or distortions. On such a basis, the Nation is degraded and ceaselessly recoils in the face of imperialism; with the hypocritical opposition and the effective complicity of its local auxiliary services. Against what these want to make-believe, strength and time play fatally in favour of the dominant Nations: which have all the ideological, political and economic advantages in their hands; and against the subjugated People, unable to play those which it still has left.
As a result of the strategic sabotage and subsequent political ruin achieved by the so-called peripheral “opposition”, the Second Francoism: legitimized as “democratic” and after its traditional social basis had been enlarged with the addition of the Spanish “republicans” and social-imperialists – National-communists and neo-falangist National-socialists – to the objectives of the fascist imperialism, surpasses in imperialistic and racist Nationalism, aggressiveness, anger, fanaticism and hatred to the military paleo-fascism of its founder General Franco. Its “democratic legitimacy” is asserted with all cynicism upon the basis of the totalitarian “elections and “majorities” manufactured by the Spanish imperialistic and colonial Nationalism; and lately, even by means of the announced resort to the “roving electoral-rolls” formed by such roving members of the army and police, established by “virtue” of the armed occupation and colonization. But the colonialist totalitarianism is totalitarianism, however formally majority though it may be.
All that has been possible thanks to the necessary collaboration of a “Basque opposition” submissive and essentially recuperated by the French-Spanish imperialism; whose institutions in our Country – as well as its colonial trade unions and political organizations that claim themselves to be Spanish – the “Basque leaders”: with perverse stubbornness, continue recognizing as democratic and Basque for nearly fifty years.
In the times in which the fascist régime went out of its way in order to attract everyone towards what the armed and unarmed institutionalists call now “political path, democratic and non-violent”, the inventors of “the armed struggle, the revolutionary war and Eight years Plan of Liberation and Unification” denounced the support and legitimation of Francoism implied in the “electoral and institutional” participation, in the face of “the abstention, unique valid solution and better stance of fight”; “our stance is completely contrary to the participation” “political practice of deceit and betrayal”.
The electoral capitulation and escalation process took them afterward to “the decision not to participate but to stand for the anti-democratic and anti-Basque elections”, “with a formal promise not to participate in the institutions and successive promotions of Members of Parliament, Senators and local offices” “democratically elected without prejudice to the armed struggle and the complementary role of the mass struggle”, playing to democracies and parliaments with the declared candidates and elected of official imperialism. To finally end up with statements such as: “fighting against abstention: a challenge for all”, or “we have declared hot war to abstentionism: it’ll be meat or fish day, but not a fast day”; “the more participation, the more democracy”; “to vote whom they want to, but to vote: it’s a good thing for democracy and good news for the democrats”; “you may call blockhead those who advocate abstention” etc. They had already forgotten that the first abstinent people: those who did never vote in the fascists “elections” after the “transition”, were those that were left murdered in the mountains, ditches, bullrings and walls of the cemeteries; the men, women and children crushed under the bombs, excluded forever from the electoral roll by the “inclusive, democratic and non-violent” imperialism and fascism.
All of them are the issues that unite and associate, for more than forty years, all the supporters and participants in the imperialistic and fascist institutionalism: from the traditional Francoism, up to the armed or unarmed supporters of what they call “democratic path, political and non-violent”.
Without the decisive support of the corporative and bureaucratic, “realist-possibilistic and activist” organization; without the continued and stubborn cooperation of the armed and unarmed institutionalists – moderates and radicals: the so-called “right and left wing abertzale”, from the official Pnv to its corollary the Eta – in the task of diverting and reducing to an infra-strategic level the national Resistance in the occupied territories of the Basque People, the monopolies of violence and propaganda of totalitarian power would not have been able to achieve a fundamental part of their objectives, and the most serious and pernicious mistakes would have been avoided. Without this, the Second Francoism would not have been able to establish, maintain, consolidate and develop itself as it has done since its “transition”.
The system of “autonomous regions”: established by the transitive fascist régime as a mechanism to avoid the overflow of the Spanish unitary State by the struggle of the subjugated Peoples, was the great triumph that “moderates and radicals” presented to the People, which gave them the coveted connections, perks and sinecures in return for their valuable services rendered. In any case, the granted “autonomy” did not allow them to hide that “the national sovereignty resides in the Spanish People, from which emanate the powers of the State and the indissoluble unity of the Spanish Nation, the common and indivisible homeland of all Spaniards”. All of which implies to gainsay: 1/ the Basque Nation, 2/ its subjugated People as a holder of an inherent right of self-determination or independence, 3/ the indefeasible validity and actuality of its violated fundamental rights and of its occupied State, and 4/ the correlative indefeasible crimes of war, against peace and against humanity committed by the French-Spanish Terrorist National-imperialism.
The plan of the Francoist stabilization (in the semi-insurrectionary situation of the “transition” in the Basque Country), and the autonomy-trap (designed and imposed as a means of confusion, conditioning, fixing, containment, repression, erosion, reduction, manipulation, recuperation and corruption of the popular forces) came and replaced the democratic institutionalization; and allowed to modulate the repression, to dose the “institutional reform”, to interpose buffers and cushions, and to retain the control of rod and reel so as to hook, probe, evaluate, give or recover line according to the stamina, the weakness, the sudden starts and caprices of resistance. Meanwhile the effective centralization and concentration of the unitary political power ensured the fatal outcome of an “institutional confrontation” of fishing and catch resolved beforehand.
The “institutional democratic way” was a cover and alibi of the strategic sabotage. “The idea of a federal Spain, the historic rights, the additional provisions of the “Constitution” and their ‘authentic’ interpretation, the pact with the Crown, the constitutional pact between equals of Euskadi with Spain, the free association, and the Spanish pluralism”, were the reiterated, fallacious, absurd, empty, derisory and motley attempt to conceal and distort in the face of the opinion the magnitude of the strategic liquidation and its inevitable and disastrous consequences.
The “autonomy” constitutionally and legally established by the Spanish State in favour of its “regions” is another more trickery: the Organic Law does not establish real autonomy/self-government but an empowerment for the Government to do whatever it wants. Such “autonomy” is first and foremost a manoeuvre to afford an ideological cover for collaborationists and accomplices. (Against what is claimed by its local beneficiaries, no Organic Law has ever established such autonomous régime, whose formal and real integral instability and arbitrariness have been exposed for forty years. The recent “denunciation” of “the Spanish State re-centralization” by the local collaborationists: who consider the State as their own, is another falsehood and hypocrisy more that do not deceive or impress anyone; even less the fascist régime itself.)
Such institutions and ancillary services of the autonomy-trap are an active part of the colonial Administration of the occupying State which they belong to, supplying it the indigenous bodies of proximity – administrative and repressive – that it needs. Totally devoid of political power of their own, these local administrative organs: pompously called “governments” by the true Governments that created them, serve the violence, terrorism and corruption of the colonial rule. In particular, the recognition of the “democratic and non-violent” character to the régime of military occupation constituted by the Spanish and French imperialistic and fascist States; the repression of the National Resistance and the sharing of corruption; the concealment and contempt of the striking proportion of abstainers to participate – in spite and defiance of the suffocating conditioning media – in their policy of liquidation; the adoption and subsequent repercussion to the People of the themes and recurrent terminology of the official propaganda (even when they try or pretend to oppose to it); the blockade and suppression of any real confrontation of ideas, and the putting forward instead the spoofed “debates” that the fascist power needs, raises and tolerates to demonstrate its “freedom of expression” and its “democratic legitimacy”, all of them, are the real and true functions which have been commended to those “autonomous” administrations.
The “moderate and radical” abertzale: unable to even denounce the blatant presence of representatives of Francoism in the local Spanish radio-television (supposedly “Basque and autonomous”, that invokes for this purpose a false and hypocritical “democratic equanimity”), together with their own fears, self-censorship and restraint in front of the insults and aggressiveness of the fascists backed by their Francoist penal courts based on their monopoly of criminal violence, have gotten thus that the Spanish expressions and ideas resulting from a fascist imposition – which do not at all correspond with the sociologically and overwhelmingly major reality in our people – do spread and pass as a “natural and normal Basque reality”.
In all those “debates”: held under fascist conditions but admitted as democratic, the so-called abertzale do share the stands of the mass media quite naturally along with indigenous renegades and spokespersons of Francoism (both in its traditional version and in that of its National-socialists puppets of Falange-PsoE, who all claim themselves as “immemorial democrats”, repeating it over and over again ad nauseam so as to get it admitted), and do by their side endorse the fundamental imperialist position no less unceasingly repeated: “the Spanish democratic régime and its rule-of-law State” as the basic characteristic of the régime. That’s to say: the imperialistic, fascist and terrorist Spanish régime, State and rule.
Now then, after having decided “to participate in the [fascist] institutions as an inevitable necessity so as to be able to say something in this Country”, we finally have as a “brilliant” result that to say nothing – actually something much worse, since they have to say what the fascists régime wants them to – is the inevitable necessity the collaborators assume “so as to be able to participate in the institutions”. The reality that has brought the “activism” of the “radicals” – “the important thing is to do” – consists in the total reversion of their propaganda. Now “the important thing is to participate”, and if you get paid for it... Why should we leave all the cake for the Pnv?
The initial “revolutionary” tremendousness and maximalism has finally given way to the proclaimed realism-possibilism-minimalism of the moderate and radical collaboration, which is in fact the nihilistic abandonment of the political opposition to imperialism. (As a strategic principle, minimalism is stupidity; so are the maximalism and “medievalism”.) In order to justify all that, the sophistry of composition continues providing good services to the incurable followers of the dominant ideology: “When even getting the least is so hard, and is not yet in sight, how could a fortiori be possible getting the most? I would like that to be explained to me, but I do not hear any answer that is worthwhile”. In reality he who so says: an apologist turned into a convert from the armed maximalism to the disarmed minimalism, doesn’t want “that to be explained” to him. What he wants is that it’s the Eta that explains it to him, or the Pnv; which is impossible. Like so many others, he will not hear what he doesn’t want to.
Let’s see. Certainly, there is no constant and unambiguous relationship that may be established in this regard; nevertheless (and against what it’s posed by sophistries and maxims of the type: “he who can do the most, can also do the least; he who cannot do the least, cannot do the most”), in matters of political strategy, it is frequent that he who can do the most, cannot do the least; and he who cannot do the least can do the most. It’s just that the mechanical and linear substitution of the principles of the political strategy by other ones, strange to it, will always lead to the same erring confusions. This is so because the constitutive mutual involvement and interaction of ends and means within a strategic framework, and therefore the curves of mobilization and effectiveness, are due to principles that are (we dare not say dialectic, which is now very frowned upon) let’s say essentially different from those applicable to the shopping cart.
That is: all policy implies a strategic structure of ends and means, which does socially produce, maintain, modify or achieve the rapport of forces on which it is founded. Only the strategic modification of the rapport of forces in favour of the popular classes constitutes the reality of political progress. Strategic means and ends are mutually involved and constituted: the ends constitute the means; the depth of the ends does condition and produce the extension of the means. That is why Nations do only mobilize for ends that deserve their effort. The national independence is an end that, in the conditions of an imperialistic and colonial occupation, finds natural difficulties for a means constitution/aggregation: either it be in Ireland, as in Algeria or in the American colonies (where the terrorism of the colonists and the Founding Fathers gave rise to the current USA); nevertheless, the abandonment of that end involves the liquidation of the democratic policy and ideology, of the right of self-determination and of the policy of national freedom.
In the same way, the Basque People will mobilize, perhaps, with a similar difficulty for the restoration of its historic State against the French-Spanish National-imperialistic occupation, domination and colonization; but it will never mobilize for a French Department with a Prefect, or for a false, granted, regional and provincial Spanish “autonomy”. The Peoples do only mobilize themselves for great causes and, at all events, for Freedom; they don’t do it for humiliating dishes of lentils.
Yet, the support that the corrupt Collaborationism lends to the substitutes offered by imperialism confuses and demoralizes the People, and does comfort the imperialistic positions as “democratic”. From there, and counting on such good offices, not even the manifestation of an almost-unanimous will for independence in the subjugated People would be enough to alter the imperialistic determination of calling and repressing it as aberrant aggression against “the Constitution and the majority will of the Spanish [or French] people”: ideological fiction that, hiding its imperialistic and genocidal genesis and imposition, is based in a mythological constructivism in petitio principii that consists in the postulated denial of the dominated Peoples, and that melts them as aliquot parts of the totalitarian “nation”.
Consequently, the fatal fate of the indigenous collaborationist and opportunist – both “moderate and radical” – is to strengthen, “comply with and enforce the laws of democracy, that are the same for everybody”, or eventually be denounced by the régime as delinquent if he refuses to do it so. With regard to the part of the Country under French occupation, the French absolutist idea of Nation, national identity and State being what it is, there is no other way-out for the annexed Peoples than their complete liquidation and therefore their denial is total. Maybe the Spaniards try to dizzy and deceive their dominated subjects with their “pluralism”, “autonomy” and other similar crap; yet, certainly not so the French. In fact, the “Revolution” had honestly classified the Basque Language (no such a People existing) as a Foreign Language.
Meanwhile, the alteration of the sociological basis (by means of mobilization, reorganization, radicalization and empowerment of the colonies of population; of multiplication of the number and action of the Renegades; and of systematic destruction of the national characters and above all of the Language through colonization, alienation and acculturation etc. of our People) continues its work in the service of the criminal aim of always: the submission and liquidation of the subjugated Peoples.
Under the imperialistic and fascist occupation there is only place for two real Parties: that of the integration in the dominant power, and that of the Resistance. While the puppets and ideological auxiliaries “moderates and radicals” do play – ever since the former, since 1979 the latter – at imaginary democracies, the Imperialistic, Fascist and Nationalist bulldozer continues day by day its demolition work; the economic, political, racial, linguistic and cultural roll of the colonial steamroller moves at a giant pace towards the complete destruction of the subjugated Peoples.
In such favourable conditions, the hypocrisy and bold shamelessness of the fascists do not know bounds: with the collaboration and amplification obtained from the “autonomous institutions”, under cover of its mass-media monopolies, and with the protection of its monopoly of violence, which represses all freedom of expression and guarantees its agents their talking without a reply (just because of that and also for that they are fascists), the neo-Francoist régime distorts reality and spreads its ideology of hatred and oppression through the whole society reaching features of fanaticism, stupidity and even mental alienation. The forced and mechanical insistence with which “democracy, freedom, peace, non-violence” and other keywords of modern fascist rhetoric are repeated, is the expression of the internal cynicism and external hypocrisy of its representatives.
Thanks to the corruption, incapacity and collaborationism of “the Basque moderates and radicals”, French-Spanish Fascism and Imperialism have imposed on our Country an upside-down ideological world where Fascism is “freedom and democracy”, and where any opposition to true Fascism is described as “fascism”; where all Resistance to the imperialistic Nationalism is called “nationalism”; all Resistance to the dominant Racism is “racism”; all Resistance to the Aggression and to the Monopoly of criminal Violence is considered “violence”; and where it is “terrorism” all Resistance to State Terrorism.
3. – Democratic criticism of the infrastrategic activism and its ideology
The democratic criticism of the attempts has always revealed the real content of this form of radical-populist “activism”, which manifests itself mainly in the issue of violence and terrorism. In short, the “activism” of the Eta group has shown the reality of its legal and illegal implications, and of its fundamentals, motivations, activities and results, which we can but hardly state and denounce here as consisting of:
– The necessary failure and the inevitable consequences of a “policy” without strategic base. The ideological and political powerlessness of the Basque democratic forces before the Terrorism and the Monopoly of criminal violence of the occupying States, as a result of fifty years of strategic sabotage by “the institutional path and the armed struggle”. The absence of general conditions for the real armed struggle and the revolutionary war, and the inevitable consequences of playing to those things when not having means to do so. [Professional Army vs. commandos; State Terrorism vs. attempts.] The huge social, human, economic and political cost of the attempts, exorbitant of their results. The catastrophic waste of lives, energies and resources that no political strategy can afford to spoil, with a base constantly decimated by prison, death and exile. The suicidal “spiral of violence and action-reaction”; with the development of fascist violence, action and reaction as a result. Its permanent effect of inhibition, blocking, sabotage, reduction, degradation and destruction of the real strategic potentialities and of the very foundation of the strategic implementation, with fifty years of ideological and political involution as a result.
– The rhetoric of “revolutionary war, armed struggle and commandos”, thus hoping that the verbal inflation will replace the facts; but it is not enough to play with the words for getting things to correspond to what they are called, and for getting that the caricature and pantomime turn into reality. The new and “revolutionary” concept of “war”, equipped – according to the radical theorists – of a fixed comprehension and a variable extension, can be stretched and shrunk at one’s will; which allows them to call “war” all they want to, putting topsy-turvy all the theory on war and, at the same time, the formal logic. It is a logically and politically desperate attempt to confuse ideas, and to continue to conceal both the reality of what the revolutionary war entails, as well as the inescapable conditions of political action. Attempts and war do exclude each other: if there are attempts, there is no war; if there is war, there are no attempts. The cardinal distinction between war/armed struggle and attempts is being replaced by them through the innocuous distinction between “frequent and occasional attempts”.
– The “inability” to integrate policy and “armed struggle” always leads to turning the political issue into an internal issue of the “armed struggle”. The correlative theory – as false as pedant – about “the policy as a continuation of war carried on with other means” has inevitable and disastrous consequences.
– The romantic falsification of invoked historical models, and the superficial analogies which its ideologists and promoters do refer to. The attempts appear as an infantile, retardant, refractory, reductive and reactionary product of the rising popular spontaneity, which cannot find ideological-political qualification or definition. Their appearance and permanence appear as a consequence and coverage of the political weakness and inability; and their function, as of escape and safety valve before dangerous overflows of energy: always possible under the conditions of the occupation régime. The gratuitous function of provocation, stimulus and “justification” of the fascism that the attempts do meet, and the facilities thus granted to that régime; which have resulted in hypertrophy – without compensation – of the monopolies of propaganda, Violence and State Terrorism. In this way, the traditional governmental provocations: so as to justify the extension and intensification of fascist repression and terrorism, have been superfluous and totally unnecessary here.
– The worn-out version of an ideological withdrawal, “the excitement, the awareness or the propaganda by the action”, serving as alibi, concealment, escape route and falsification of the failure of “the armed struggle and the revolutionary war”. The millennial waiting for “the inevitable negotiation”, thus freezing the process of getting the adaption of the popular forces to the political reality.
– Their confusion between strategy and tactics, which leads to the inevitable subordination of the strategy to the tactics and ends up always by reinforcing the strategy and tactics of the de facto power. He who does not have his own strategy does always implement, by default, the strategy of the alleged adversary. The consequences are inevitable.
– Their irremediable and functional disability and fundamental opposition to any attempt to raise the political reality; their permanent refusal of any real political solution; their abandonment of any pretence of a strategic opposition of masses, in which they have never truly believed and whose virtuality have done everything possible so as to destroy. Their real and deep will to follow as until now: cheating, decimating, bleeding, exploiting, weakening and demoralizing the Country for their own benefit. The formal incoherence of the “complementary activities” of their purported revolutionary war: “institutional path, elections, demonstrations, general strikes, and unlimited or symbolic hunger strikes”, as destructive, expensive, imaginary, empty and reactionary as repetitive; which do reveal the real awareness of their promoters linked to the apologia of the régime and to the will of keeping the popular forces in the political incapability. The – only unilateral – “temporary or definitive truces”, designed to hide and use the failure, the exhaustion and the collapse of “the armed struggle and the revolutionary war”. The promoters of “the armed struggle and the revolutionary war” discover: at their own and the others’ expense, the ideological and political disadvantages and the inevitable consequences of playing to these things when the necessary means to do so are not available.
– The total absence of perspective and project and of any initiative or concept not conditioned, directed or elicited by the imperialistic régime. The successive “strategic plans of liberation, unification or pacification in one, eight, two hundred or one thousand years, for the 21st century or the next Millennium”, which do not even seek to modify the “political deficit” in this Country but continue the deception and hide the emptiness of the preceding “plan”, which is immediately forgotten after the announcement of the next one. The “historical offerings,” after forty years without having “discover” them. [The inverted scale of strategic objectives. The inexhaustible processes and marches towards independence, which will always start “after the upcoming elections”.] “This country has got going and no one is going to stop it.” “The next year we will celebrate here the independence.” “A nation is going to be born.” They say that “our mission as leaders is to show the people the solutions to get out of this situation”; but their mission is to provide their followers with the daily dose of drugs and deception that will make them forget the ideological and political misery to which they have doomed them.
– The programs of specific activities and childish games designed to entertain, divert, recuperate and destroy the spontaneous energy that doesn’t find a political solution. The substitution of effectiveness by sensationalism; of reality by appearance; of movement by psychomotor agitation: disguise, instrument and consequence of the strategic liquidation. The need to persist in the attempts not so as to continue the “armed struggle” but to hide their failure and maintain the corporate adherence; to divert the attention from the permanent and fundamental political reality of subjugation; and to cover up or justify the participation in the “institutions”. The “inability” to find a replacement that allows the conversion of an organization, which has never qualified and become established but by reference to the “armed struggle”, that is: the attempts in the conditions of imperialism.
– The empty trick of Lizarra-Garazi: an exercise of prestidigitation, compendium of illusions and “practical” result of forty years of “institutional path and armed struggle” at the expense of the rights and freedoms of Peoples. The continuous but inevitable conversion of the warmongering maximalism in reformist-institutionalist minimalism under the direction, pressure and initiative of the occupation régime. The populist constants: demagoguery, opportunism, deception and euphoric and hallucinatory suggestion, always at the expense of the patients more weakened or infantilized. The corporatism, sectarianism, bureaucratism, dirigisme and elitism, congenital to the movement. The permanent sacrifice of the popular base for the sake of the petty ambition, corruption, incompetence and vanity of those leaders or official spokespersons.
– The successive campaigns of collective swindling, the continuous operations of recuperation, participation and mobilization of willing stooges, with the decoy of the increasingly frequent “common plans and projects” devoid of any political sense, but useful to hide the total lack of willingness and ability of proposing anything that resembles a real solution. The demand for a “debate between everybody”: between everybody who says what they want to. The defence of “a press free and open for everybody”: for everybody who says what is good for them. The “national front and the abertzale unity with the participation of everybody”: as a cover for the inclusion of them all and the exclusion of all the others, and for the sabotage and destruction of the inescapable conditions of the strategic alliance against imperialism; with the effective result of the greatest division and the utmost lack of communication that have ever existed in the political base of the abertzale movement.
– The continuous production of “events, incidents, qualitative leaps and historical opportunities”, in order to continue deceiving their defenceless proselytes and to make forget the time that passes, the oppression that persists, and the fifty years of blind-alley which the protagonists of “the institutional path and the armed struggle” have gotten the Country into; in order to continue participating actively in the constitutional and autonomist botched job, collaborating in the propaganda of the “democratic with a deficit” régime, and cooperating with it to so as to prevent any freedom of expression and criticism: freedom that is incompatible with their own corporate project and their own propaganda.
– The proclamation – renewed all the time – that “this is the time to establish a project of self-determination and to build a political structure among all the Basques, without autonomist and constitutionalist botched jobs, as they are proposing us from ago twenty-five years”. But that “project or preliminary draft of self-determination” is as empty, false and demagogic as belated. The right of self-determination is a permanent strategic question that the Eta “radical” opposition has been sabotaging for fifty years. This one founds its “strategy” on “the armed struggle and the revolutionary war”, combined later with “the inevitable negotiation”, “the institutional path”, the fascist electioneering and “the general strikes, of hunger or testimonials”, to end up arriving to the “dialogue” and to the waiting for “a politician of height in the Spanish Government, who gives freedom and dignity back to this country”: so prolific in politicians of height who have led it to follow idiots and opportunists of this scale as the only solution. (On the other hand, they have not been themselves those who “at this moment” have decided to change their behaviour and launch such proclamations: it has been the fascism in power that has not allowed them to continue as usual. An oversight on the part of the régime, and the returning back to the old ways would immediately heal the institutionalist frustrations.)
– The real content of propaganda and agitation that do only seek already, as a supreme purpose, to preserve the permanence and the interests of the Organization, the reduction in their own service of the national enterprise that they are claiming to serve, and every time the stronger link with the imperialistic and fascist system of domination on which their existence depends.
– The functional inversion of the reality, in which the fundamental social issues are presented as complementary, subordinate and derived part of the issue of organization, and in which the purposes and means of the latter do arrange, precede and rule those of the former. The subsidiary, supplementary, logistic and of demonstration role that is attributed to the mass movement. The affirmation of the ideological and political inability of the popular forces, which is the “tautological consequence” of the premise that they have established of their own Organization as the ideological and political elite, avant-garde and agent. The spontaneous or miraculous advent of the “paramount event of the last forty years”, “the new Basque resistance that was going to drag from the collective prostration, unconsciousness, lethargy or slumber a besotted, defeated, surrendered and submissive People, completely alienated and on its way toward total assimilation”. The no less prodigious achievements and exploits that followed, spanning as much of positive that has been produced in this Country: from “the restoration of the lost national will and consciousness”, up to the “creation” of the ikastola (Basque schools). The coincidence with the fascist technique of a “reduction to Eta” is complete: the current fascist repression based on the assertion “everything that is done and all that there is here is Eta” is only the belated recuperation of a commonplace of the “radical” propaganda, which now is turned on the opposite direction.
– The falsification of the history of forty years, in order to sustain “the positive outcome of the institutional fight and the armed struggle”, and to hide the real catastrophe and the blind-alley in which they have gotten the People which they claim to serve. The delirious supplanting of the most evident socio-political data: “all the working class of Spain is with us”, “the freedom of the Basque People was a utopia, but has ceased to be now that the socialists have won elections in France and Spain”. [With the Gal, the banishment of prisoners and the extraditions as a result.]
– The loss of credibility and disrepute that the constant and permanent failure casts on the policy of national liberation; the freezing of its expansion, limited to politically underdeveloped areas; and the inevitable demoralization of the invariably frustrated and flouted masses. The originally and permanent defeatism of the “radical move”, which does not believe already in any policy of liberation and that denies – as “unrealistic and utopian” – any alternative to the fascist political régime; a régime that it has accepted as regular and permanent picture of life. All this along with the inevitable and increasingly widespread conclusion that here there is nothing to be done apart from the usual manifestations and tantrums: a brilliant result of fifty years of “awareness and excitement”.
– The denunciation of the “democratic deficit” that presents “a democracy where there occur torture in prisons and police stations”, and of the “risk for the democracy” because of the “anti-democratic measures” of a “state of exception”. Similarly, the denunciation of “very serious attacks on freedom of expression and association”; denunciations that therefore do not exclude but involve the fundamental “democratism” of the established régime. The alleged “state of exception” and the “democratic deficit” that they “denounce” in the current régime do imply the recognition of its democratic normality: there can be no “attacks” without prior normality, and only democratic normality can have democratic exception and deficit. (A “democratic deficit” – incidentally – that they discover forty years later, only when the “new attacks on such important freedoms” do affect also to them.) However, this is not a question here of a “democratic deficit”, nor of a “régime of exception”. The imperialistic and fascist régime is what it is and what it has always been, and it has nothing of democratic or of “deficit”: in spite of the uninterrupted efforts of moderates and radicals to accredit it as such. The régime’s behaviour has nothing of irregular or exceptional: it is the logical, legal and correct continuation of a political and legal process that they have decisively contributed to conserving and developing. They are themselves those who have been for forty years proclaiming otherwise or cultivating illusions in this regard.
– The “demand of freedom and democracy” under the imperialism, which they ask for, consists of the apologia of a régime that suppresses by means of the violence all democratic realization and all exercise of the fundamental rights; and that determines, includes and excludes the subjects of right and regulates at its convenience all political behaviour. The “denunciation of violations against the democratic freedoms” is the constant denial of the imperialistic and fascist basis of the imperialistic régime, and the open recognition of its “democratic normality”.
– Their “inability” to understand and acknowledge the anti-democratic nature of the imperialistic régime: which they have reinforced with their participation, and which they cannot condemn without the reservations and cautions with which they hope to preserve something of the advantages that long cooperation has allowed them to enjoy. Their “firm will to deepen in the democracy”, which is a cynical apologia for the fascist régime. They talk about democracy, about nation, about self-determination; but they recognize: with unprecedented recalcitrance, the fundamental “democratic and non-violent legitimacy” of the fascist régime of military occupation.
– The purported criticism of fascism and imperialism, which are described as “Jacobin centralism”, “fascistoid régime in South Euskadi”, “xenophobic régime that is already barely camouflaged fascism in South Euskadi”; of the “democratic involution, which in South of Euskal Herria is already alarming”; and of “the parallels between what has historically been called a fascist régime, and the current Aznarista system”: criticisms that imply an insidious denial of the real, complete and not camouflaged imperialistic and fascist French-Spanish régime.
– The “defence of the rights and freedoms of all”, that is: the rights and freedoms of themselves and the denial of those of the others. Instead, the outlawing of the “radicals”: a “capital and decisive event”, has led them to the “discovery” of the nature “partially fascist and incompatible with democracy” of the régime constituted over the armed occupation, and to call into question the French-Spanish “democratic régime”; something that twelve centuries of war and occupation had failed to make them perceive, and that the “abertzale radicalism” had generously overlooked. (The recent finding that the “democratic” régime – that they have consolidated and “legitimized” with their votes and other forms of participation – is now ready to end up with their privileges, makes them shed crocodile tears. But if the Spanish fascism believes that it doesn’t already need of their services in order to make impossible any democratic strategy, and has consequently decided to end up with their privileges, this certainly does not happen because those beneficiaries have not done everything possible to preserve them).
– The formal claim to make compatible “the armed struggle and the revolutionary war, along with the participation in the institutions, the dialogue and the negotiation as the only way of solution to the conflict, in the most complete respect for the existing legal system”. [Strategic conditions of the legal and illegal opposition.]
– The lie and the falsification of ideas, as the only way to continue indefinitely deceiving the masses in the conditions of the occupation régime, and to remedy the confusion, the demoralization and the quantitative and qualitative loss of their social base. The parallel contribution to the monopolistic propaganda of the imperialism; which includes the spontaneous, free and unrequited diffusion of the dominant propaganda as well as of the “contributions” of as many notorious fascists as may appear, but excludes everything that the “radical” ideologists are unable to tackle, provide, or claim for themselves.
– The irremediable and tacky theoretical indigence, the irrationality and confusion of the “radical” propaganda, whose propagandists do confuse the pseudo-intellectual decomposition, confusion, demagogy and pedanticism, with the theoretical development. The destruction of the critical sense, the obscurantism, the chaotic, equivocal and reactionary character of their “intellectual, metaphysical or scientific” references, either “fascist or Marxist-Leninist”: characteristics of the cultural underdevelopment under the imperialistic despotism, and insurmountable signs of the theoretical ruin through the false intellectualism. The elitism and the militarisation of thought, as a result of the purported militarization of policy. The plagiarism and the degradation of the ideas, as a result and cover of the permanent and irreparable under-development of the activist ideology. The constituent bad faith and the consequent “ignorance” and falsification of the political reality or thought, inasmuch as they do not fit with the premises of “the institutional struggle and the armed struggle”. The quartering and kidnapping of the information, culture and communication, which have led to the ideological liquidation opening the doors to the ideological agents of fascism and imperialism: “we only talk with [Spanish] organizations”.
– The reverent complex of inferiority before the “cultural” sources and currents of the dominant Nations, and the import of the Spanish and European reactionary thinking. The consequent incurable permeability to the ideological infiltration and permeation by the imperialism. Since its foundation, the Eta and the self-styled “abertzale Left” have been closed to any democratic criticism but wide open to the imperialistic and fascist propaganda: from the first moment they have collaborated with the official propaganda, the Spanish party and the local auxiliary services so as to finish with the freedom of speech, criticism and communication. To hide the process of strategic liquidation; to make impossible any attempt to inform the public opinion about its meaning and consequences; to hide the conditions and the possible and necessary content of the political reconstitution; and to make sure a propaganda that they can only keep by talking alone, under the protection of the fascist monopoly of information or misinformation: those are the purposes of its propaganda activity.
– The adoption of the vocabulary and the general concepts of the imperialistic reaction: “nationalists, socialists, unionists, democracy, violence, national police, Spanish/Castilian-Gaztelera-Gaztelania” etc.; which constitutes a manifest step backward in the democratic ideology. (It is symptomatic of the Spanish ideology expandability, which is diffused through the Pnv-Eta group, the fact that the old ideological trick of the “distinction Spanish/Castilian-Gaztelera-Gaztelania” is being already used in the area of French occupation, where it has never existed and where its corresponding “French/Francian” has not managed to penetrate either.) The contribution to the dissemination of what it’s called “Euskanish” in the service of their propaganda, whose dog vocabulary seeks the replacement of our national language: the Euskara, by a jargon that is thought and understood in Spanish and by the Spaniards.
– The theoretical nonsense that, for fifty years, the “radical” ideologists of the Eta have contributed to the popular or scientific knowledge; with are of such a scale that they cannot be explained only by their individual incompetence and charlatanism but by the conditions of sectarianism, authoritarianism, dogmatism and obscurantism in which they do their “work”. Thanks to the radical press, there has been discovered – even in Getaria – that “Magellan reached Seville after having circumnavigated the world”. The “radical” theoretical world is a sectarian space of ideological monopoly, relatively closed and self-sufficient, where the outside world is autonomously produced and reproduced. It has its own sources and its own guarantees, everything else is irrelevant to its inhabitants.
– The application of the “dialectical method” and the rejection of “the same meters” for different periods: a denial of history as a scientific whole. The “analogical explanation” of a cause-effect historical process (such as the relationship between base-organization) through the recourse to a biological reproduction (as the relationship between the chicken and the egg). The “mathematical proof” of social behaviours, which has made fall back in an unprecedented way the limits of logical certainty in the human sciences. The “fundamental law” of the viability of bilingualism, based on the condition of sectorial ignorance in the linguistic community. The already referred to “concept of war with a fixed comprehension and a variable extension”: an unprecedented “revolutionary” contribution to the theory of war and to the formal logic from their origins.
– The proliferation of ideological dualisms and pluralism has destroyed in theory and in practice the ideological and political aggregation of reality that is intended to deal with. The notorious dualism “class-nation/social-national” has plunged “the abertzale left and right” in permanent mental confusion-depression, and produced defectors and renegades in a continuous flow. The “labour, national-cultural, political, and military fronts” are its consequence. So as to combine their theoretical inadequacy with the pretence of being an intellectual avant-garde, the Pnv-Eta “intellectuals” had already proclaimed, fifty years ago, that this issue “could not be clarified in our time”. They have thus constituted in “scientific” principle, in a “universal contemporary inability”, their own inability to solve the “dualism class-nation/social-national”, condemning humanity indefinitely to the blackest and irremediable ideological and political darkness. There is no worst dogmatism than the obscurantist dogmatism.
– The hypostatical dualism between “individual and collective” rights and subjects is not exclusive to this Country; yet, it is particularly widespread among its moderate or radical “intellectuals”, ideologists and politicians, and is constantly present in their propaganda and in their “associations of collective rights”. They thereby serve the campaign of mystification of the Spanish ideologists, who often resort to this trick of “collective” swindling.
– The dualistic opposition between theory and practice, with the corresponding, absurd and hypocritical “anti-intellectual and anti-theoretical” escape. The statement that “the important thing is to do” (of traditional roots in the politically and culturally underdeveloped areas), tries to hide the own, inevitable, unpresentable and unavowed theoretical assumption maintained by adherents to the thesis of “radical action”. The “inability” to articulate the “legal and illegal” means of political opposition is inherent in the total absence of a strategic reference. The “practical” guidelines of “anything goes, that too, and bietan jarrai” are the result of the ideological and political decomposition brought about by the complete absence of strategic integration.
– The ideological separation between “right and policy”, with all its inevitable and disastrous consequences. With the liquidation of the “amnesty” and the relentless expansion of administrative and judicial repression, there have been created the conditions for the growing influence of the “specialists-jurists” over the “commissars”. The resulting priority of the “juridical” part over the political whole, is also the replacement of a political strategy and tactics: non-existent, by an imaginary “juridical” strategy and tactics; and of the real right, by the “positivist” formalism and normativism of France and Spain. The opportunistic replacement of the political ideas and purposes, by concepts and objectives of the “legal right”, do produce the discredit of the “political” issue and the apologia of the Spanish “positive right”. There can be and there is policy without right (fortunately for the oppressed), but there is no right without policy. Any attempt to oppose the imperialistic “right” to the imperialistic policy is theoretical nonsense: a reactionary illusion of immediate practical consequences.
– Their auxiliary, equivocal and narrow conception of “policy” does lead them to confine it to the action of the Executive bodies; to present the Legislative and Judiciary branches as “apolitical”; and to reduce the question of imperialism, fascism and their antagonistic: democracy, to a mere internal matter of “separation of powers” within the imperialistic State. It is following this conception that they arrive at statements such as: “The abertzale left casts doubts on the impartiality of the [Spanish] judges”; denounces “the political pressures that the [Spanish] Government exerts on the [Spanish] judges” (which do supposedly alter their alleged inclination to defend international democratic justice); and presents the Spanish and French Nationalist and fascist judges – in opposition to their Executives – as zealous defenders of human rights in general and of Peoples’ freedom in particular.
Yet, quite to the contrary, the Legislative, Executive or Judiciary bodies of the imperialistic régime do spontaneously and fully coincide on the treatment to be applied to the democratic forces of the occupied Peoples; and in this regard, the supposed differences and contradictions between its internal bodies are a reactionary fable and an apologia of the fascist régime of occupation. The judges do not need lessons or pressures from anybody to participate in the suppression of Peoples’ Freedom and of human rights in general. Any attempt in opposing: within an imperialistic régime of military occupation, the judiciary power to the political power is theoretical and practical absurdity.
The separation of powers has as its condition of birth and applicability the contradiction between antagonistic forces in social struggles, and imperialism is a class struggle at the international level; all of which these “Basque” agents do ignore/conceal. In fact, the first Constitution in which the principle of the separation of powers between the legislative, executive and judicial branches of a government was established: the Pylyp Orlyk Constitution for Ukraine promulgated in 1710 (thus predates in 38 years the ‘Spirit of the Laws’ of Montesquieu; in 77 to the United States Constitution; and in 81 to that of France), proclaims in its Preamble the need to maintain the independence of the new State from Russia and against all foreign exploitation, and to ensure the inviolability of the borders.
The imperialistic power is the imperialistic power, and it would remain to be so with “juridical base” or without it, with internal “separation of powers” or without it, with “independent” judges or without them. The affirmation of the internal “separation of powers” of the imperialism: as a purported democratic guarantee, shows the “incapability” – real or from bad faith – of “moderates and radicals” to understand the imperialistic policy as an international issue that is not reducible to the “centralism, Jacobinism or lack of internal separation of powers” of the occupying State; to which they nevertheless endeavour to reduce it. All of it is the abandonment of the concepts, principles and fundamentals of the subjugated Peoples’ freedom and democracy, which they replace by the internal and formal assumptions of the totalitarian régime within which they continue to locate and understand the “right of the Basque People”.
In this delirium, the defenders of the “separation of powers” within the imperialistic régime do complain – simultaneously or in succession – against the “bad” executives who impose themselves on the good legislators and good judges, whether it is not that the bad judges are those who impose themselves on the good legislators and good Governments, or the bad legislators who maintain prisoners the good governments and good judges. So they hide the reality of power unity that constitutes the totalitarian State, whose Legislative, Executive, Administrative and Judicial agents have, individually and collectively, all the motivation and all the xenophobic burden that can be asked or expected from them. They do not need nobody’s impositions to pursue jointly or separately everything that looks like a democratic opposition, everything that represents or remind the subjugated Peoples: which is what they have always done in all the years and all the centuries of conquest, domination and repression. It is an observation constantly verified that, compared with the responsible agents usually qualified as “politicians”, the “apolitical” organs and members of the modern State, up to the last civilian or military official, are generally more – and not less – addicted to repressive, simplistic, radical, intransigent and extreme “administrative” decisions and measures.
The international policy, the international right, and the international separation of powers are THE SOLE political and juridical guarantee against imperialism. The true and real separation of powers: strategically relevant, is the international opposition that, with a unique political and juridical personality, is being opposed to the imperialistic and fascist power by the subjugated, occupied and colonized Peoples; but the “Basque” Collaborationists and accomplices of imperialism, namely: the agents of the Mafia-liquidationist bureaucracy Pnv-Eta and its satellites, prefer to ignore this opposition, and to divert the attention towards imaginary internal conflicts of the occupying States, rather than implementing the Peoples’ Consciousness and Resistance against the invaders-occupants.
– The misunderstandings and confusion between self-determination, sovereignty, independence and “right to decide”, in order to destroy the right of self-determination by reducing it to the scope of the imperialistic State and by making it “acceptable” for it. The import and dissemination of “notions” of “internal and external self-determination”: one of the newest “findings” of the imperialistic “doctrine” in order to confuse and distort the right to self-determination of Peoples.
– The same “ignorance” of the reality of imperialism, and the same effort to hide it, appear in the “true motives” that they have discovered behind the imperialistic repression: the electioneering, the sale of Mirages and the high-speed train, and other wicked hidden interests that alter the purported inclination of the Spanish and French Nationalism towards the defence of the right of self-determination of Peoples and of human rights in general. The search for votes: which is the motivation and explanation for imperialism according to the Pnv-Eta bureaucracy, puts things even worse since then imperialism is displaced from the French-Spanish political class (where they had only placed it in principle), and extended to the entire electoral body of the dominant nations; which is the true reality. Fortunately for the reigning bureaucracy, its followers remain unaware of everything.
– The need to preserve and legitimize the institutional “democratic path”: official complement of the “armed struggle”, as the only way to preserve the advantages and privileges that the “radical” bureaucracy has available in the conditions of the fascist régime, on which depend its credit, presence and persistence. Therefore, it cannot leave the illusions expressly repeated of negotiation and dialogue with the fascism in power; and it cannot resign to the financing for the rendered services from the budgets of what they call their State.
– The cover-up and apologia of the fascist electioneering; the “oblivion” of its criticism and denunciation: the inescapable need for a democratic policy and ideology. The need to participate at all costs in the “elections” imposed and regulated by the occupation régime: in absence of all strategic coverage, and any that may be the most humiliating and “absolutely anti-democratic conditions” that be imposed on them. The “radical” group cannot renounce the “advantages” of participation, and cannot do without the “electoral” campaigns in order to hide, cover-up and fill the political vacuum, the failure of the “armed struggle”, and the total absence of any idea and any intention to seek the ways of true opposition.
– The process of electoral capitulation and escalation: from statements such as “the abstention, the unique valid output and better stance of struggle”, or “our position is fully contrary to participation”, which is “a political practice of deception and betrayal”, the “activist ideologists” reach the conception that “on certain occasions is better cunning than force, and still better if both elements are unified under a common cause”. Which leads them to proclaim “the decision not to participate but to be presented in the anti-democratic and anti-Basque elections”: a presentation that “comes to represent a way to realize and channel the broad framework of abstentionist policy that has always been advocated for by the consistent abertzale Left”, and to affirm that “the abstention is also valid”. To continue affirming that “we have declared hot war to abstention”; accepting “the elections with a formal promise not to participate in the institutions” and the successive promotions of “democratically elected” members of Parliament, senators and local officials; and playing to “democracies and parliaments” in union with the candidates and representatives elect and declared of the official imperialism: all of them “democratically legitimate and respectable” as well as their own “propositions”, “perfectly legitimate and respectable” as long as they are allowed to play the politicians.
– The voting “in solidarity with the left” for Falange-PsoE, and the contribution to the “democratic debate” with the traditional Francoist reaction: “I give my speaking time to Mr. Del Burgo, because we come to Parliament to speak” (P. Zabaleta). The “self-criticism” and the post-election “disclosures” about “the rigged field and the false struggle in the institutions, where everything is tied-up and securely tied”, and where “this participation of ours is a precious support for the system”: an amazing lucidity that does always last until the next election, and serves to furnish the inter-electoral spaces. During the intra-totalitarian “transition”, and in view of the virtuality of a National Resistance of a strategic level, making the (Basque) “nationalists” – including the “terrorists” – participate in the (Spanish) “institutions” was the central objective of the “new” régime. Now that the “radicals” have abandoned any idea of opposition not integrated in the imperialistic and fascist system, and that they at all costs beg “the democratic right to vote and gain access to the institutions”, their factions contend for the last “electoral” bone, completely plain and gnawed to the marrow. In order to preserve their last privileges in the totalitarian apparatus of swindling, they do not hesitate to affirm the “democratic” character of the fascist “universal suffrage”, only clouded – after eight hundred years of war and occupation – by the deprivation that the “radical” bands have had of their “right to participate” in that trickery.
– Their “demand”: in the face of their inert, sterile and forced deprivation of the “right to vote”, is the inversion and the reactionary caricature of the strategic abstention and boycott. As in the case with other “claims” without any real content, the rejection of this one serves the fascism to block and exhaust residual forces of opposition by the simple refusal to grant demands that of itself are irrelevant. It is the consequence of the ruin of the rapport of forces to which has led the institutional consolidation, achieved thanks to “the institutional track and the armed struggle”; it is the way to hide that they do neither know or have another thing to do.
– The denial of the Kingdom of Nabarre as the historical State of the Basque People, and the total ignorance of its place in contemporary international law: explicit in the imperialistic formula “Stateless nation” that they use. The corruption, counterfeiting and ruin of the right of self-determination of all Peoples: first of fundamental human rights and precondition of them all, replaced by the “right to decide”, with the illusion or the pretext of doing it acceptable for the occupying States. The recognition: common to all Pnv-Eta group, of the French and Spanish imperialistic régime of military occupation as a base and at the same time option of a so-called “referendum of self-determination”: a doctrine of falsification, treason and sabotage of the national independence of the Basque People against imperialism, which is the unique necessary content of its right of self-determination. The aspiration of “laying the foundation of a process of civil self-determination without any violence, either legalized or of response”, “through the dialogue between all the parties”: a new apologia of the fascist régime and a project even more false, empty and contradictory than that of their “revolutionary war”.
– The affinity of the official and self-styled “abertzale left” with any trend that is supposed to be at its “right”, and its great fear of all attitude that exposes the fraud of its self-proclaimed sinister entity. The preferential “alliances and fronts” with the different variants of the Spanish Nationalist Party, which are qualified as “democrats of left and Basque socialist non-nationalists”: dreamed constituent of the “left front”, without any other object and result than the most dangerous and underhanded implementation and penetration of the dominant policy and ideology of the Spanish imperialistic Nationalism, and the reinforcement of repression. The passage of the feebler or more arriviste sectors of the “armed activism”, to the ancillary services and to the most aggressive informal or official variants of the imperialistic fascism, as a result of the frustration, corruption and helplessness that the “activist vanguard” produces and reproduces.
– The fundamental identity between the “violent radicals” and the “non-violent moderates”, with the recourse to the attempts as the unique, helpful and irreplaceable differential argument. The continued collaboration between them, which not even is impaired by the fierce repression that the Pnv, “the Basque government and the non-violent armed forces of the autonomous police” exert at the service of the occupation régime and its monopoly of criminal violence. The recognition of an “abertzale right”, correlative of the purported “abertzale left”. The demand and the hope of a “partnership” with the Pnv: formerly the object of a derogatory disqualification; parallel of the new swap-scheme with its “natural” cronies of the Falange-PsoE that the Pnv is asking and waiting for holding its breath. Just like “the Basque-men and the Basque-women” of the Eta are expecting holding their breath the “inevitable negotiation” and the occupation of the “empty chairs” so generously offered to the Spanish Nationalist party.
– The actual effect of Nationalist, racist and xenophobic awareness, excitement, radicalization and organization of the Spanish people and colony. The total identification of French totalitarian Nationalism with its Spanish counterpart. The radicalization of the U.S.A. policy of support to the Spanish imperialistic fascism: a consequence of the inability of the democratic forces to gain access to the real political level; of which is an exponent the phenomenon of the non-governmental attempts of the Eta.
4. – The end of Terrorism
The Basque People/Euskal Herria, rooted from time immemorial in its current historical Territories that fully belong to it, is also holder, as well as all the Peoples of the World, of a fundamental, original and indefeasible right to live free in its own free territory. The Peoples do politically precede and legally constitute the States and the Governments.
It is therefore holder of the inherent, original, indefeasible, unconditional and immediate right of independence, freedom, free disposition or self-determination of all Peoples: first of fundamental human rights and precondition of them all, and incompatible with any kind of imperialism. As a result, the sole necessary content of the right of self-determination is the immediate withdrawal of the forces of occupation and the entire apparatus of subjugation of the imperialism of Spain and France on the Basque People and State. The Kingdom of Nabarre: Kingdom of the Basques, remains the sole and current State of the Basque People, which has never recognized any other.
The right of legitimate self-defence is also an inherent right of all Peoples against any imperialistic aggression, and inseparable and complementary of the right of self-determination. These rights have been repeatedly recognized – not constituted – in numerous United Nations’ General Assembly Resolutions (UNGAR) as fundamental and inalienable rights.
Also, there has been established, in many of those resolutions, the unconditional and immediate release of the fighters for Peoples’ freedom and self-determination:
“The General Assembly, [...] Reaffirming that the continuation of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations, as noted in General Assembly resolution 2621 (XXV) of 12 October 1970, is a crime and that the colonial peoples have the inherent right to struggle by all necessary means at their disposal against colonial Powers and alien domination in exercise of their right of self-determination recognized in the Charter of the United Nations and the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, 18 [Resolution 2625 (XXV), annex.] [...], Solemnly proclaims the following basic principles of the legal status of the combatants struggling against colonial and alien domination and racist régimes [...]: 1. The struggle of peoples under colonial and alien domination and racist régimes for the implementation of their right to self-determination and independence is legitimate and in full accordance with the principles of international law. 2. Any attempt to suppress the struggle against colonial and alien domination and racist régimes is incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and constitutes a threat to international peace and security. 3. The armed conflicts involving the struggle of peoples against colonial and foreign domination and racist régimes are to be regarded as international armed conflicts in the sense of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, and the legal status envisaged to apply to the combatants in the 1949 Geneva Conventions and other international instruments is to apply to the persons engaged in armed struggle against colonial and alien domination and racist régimes. 4. The combatants struggling against colonial and alien domination and racist régimes captured as prisoners are to be accorded the status of prisoners of war and their treatment should be in accordance with the provisions of the Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, of 12 August 1949. [...] 6. The violation of the legal status of the combatants struggling against colonial and alien domination and racist régimes in the course of armed conflicts entails full responsibility in accordance with the norms of international law.” Etc. [UNGAR 3103 (1973)]
Similarly:
“The General Assembly, [...] 4. Condemns the continuation of repressive and terrorist acts by colonial, racist and alien régimes in denying peoples their legitimate right to self-determination and independence and other fundamental human rights and freedoms;” etc. [UNGAR 32/147 (1977)]
It is therefore criminal and terrorist the inhumane treatment inflicted to the combatants fighting against alien domination and racist régimes; who, captured as prisoners, are denied legal status under the Geneva Conventions and other International Instruments that should apply to persons involved in armed struggles against colonial and alien domination and the racist régimes, “even if that Party is represented by a Government or an authority not recognized by an adverse Party”. (Article 43 of the Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts [Protocol I], of 8 June 1977.)
As stated in the “Implementation of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security”,
“The General Assembly, [...] Noting with profound concern [...] the continuation and intensification of the arms race as well as acts of aggression, foreign occupation, the threat or use of force, alien domination, foreign interference and the existence of colonialism, neo-colonialism, racial discrimination and apartheid, which remain the main obstacles to the strengthening of peace and security [...], 3. Reaffirms the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under colonial and alien domination to achieve self-determination and independence and urges States to increase their support and solidarity with them and their national liberation movements and to undertake urgent and effective measures for the speedy completion of the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and other resolutions of the United Nations on the final elimination of colonialism, racism and apartheid;” etc. [UNGAR 32/154 (1977)]
The fight against colonial domination can be done “by all means possible or available, particularly the armed struggle”:
“The General Assembly, [...] Reaffirming the importance of the universal realization of the right of peoples to self-determination, national sovereignty and territorial integrity and of the speedy granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples as imperatives for the full enjoyment of all human rights, [...] 2. Reaffirms the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples for independence, territorial integrity, national unity and liberation from colonial and foreign domination and foreign occupation by all available means, particularly armed struggle;” etc. [UNGAR 33/24 (1978)]
“The General Assembly, [...], Reaffirming the importance of the universal realization of the right of peoples to self-determination, national sovereignty and territorial integrity and of the speedy granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples as imperatives for the full enjoyment of all human rights, [...], Reaffirming the obligation of all Member States to comply with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the resolutions of the United Nations regarding the exercise of the right of self-determination by peoples under colonial and alien domination, [...], 1. Calls upon all States to implement fully and faithfully the resolutions of the United Nations regarding the exercise of the right to self-determination by peoples under colonial and alien domination; 2. Reaffirms the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples for independence, territorial integrity, national unity and liberation from colonial and foreign domination and foreign occupation by all available means, including armed struggle; [...]; 10. Strongly condemns all Governments which do not recognize the right to self-determination and independence of all peoples still under colonial and foreign domination and alien subjugation; [...]; 14. Demands the immediate and unconditional release of all persons detained or imprisoned as a result of their struggle for self-determination and independence, full respect for their fundamental individual rights, and the observance of article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, [Resolution 217 A (III)] under which no one shall be subjected to torture o to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment;” etc. etc. [UNGAR 35/35 A (1980)]
The unconditional and immediate evacuation both of the occupation forces and the Terrorism of Spain and France imposed on the Country of the Basques, is the starting point and the precondition for any democratic resolution to the imperialistic and fascist situation that oppresses the Basque People and its State, the Kingdom of Nabarre.
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