“Dialogue, negotiation, equality and electoral rights” under imperialistic régime, and other wiles (XI)
EUSKAL HERRIA AND THE KINGDOM OF NABARRE, OR THE BASQUE PEOPLE AND ITS STATE, AGAINST FRENCH-SPANISH IMPERIALISM
XI – “Dialogue, negotiation, equality and electoral rights” under imperialistic régime, and other wiles
Iñaki Aginaga and Felipe Campo
“In a civilized Country the political problems are solved by talking. The first thing that is to be said so as to get out of this situation is that we politicians have to talk more”. (J. J. Ibarretxe.) However, the political problems are solved – whether with speeches or without them – in the form, time and extent that the rapport of forces allows and decides; all the words, all the conferences and all the persuasion of the world will not change anything against it. Pretending otherwise is only another clumsy ideological trick more, always useful in order to deceive and make lose time, forces and money to the everlasting gullible persons.
When the Spanish fascist on duty declares that “it’s not possible to talk with he who has a pistol on the table”, or “with he who is waiting with a shotgun behind the corner”, he is expressing a simple but incomplete truth. It is true that it’s not possible to talk with one who has a pistol on the table or a shotgun behind the corner; but still much less can it be done with those who have at their disposal the monopoly of weapons of destruction and terrorism of masses. However, the incorruptible adversaries of “the only violence and only terrorism that exist here” see the pistols of the Eta, but not the cannons of the French-Spanish régime of military occupation of our Country.
The real objective of this media campaign is to hide/comfort on the one hand the absolute freehold of the French-Spanish imperialistic monopoly of criminal Violence; and on the other, the unilateral abandonment by the oppressed People of the right of self-determination of all Peoples, inseparable from the inherent right of legitimate self-defence that assists them all. It is what Ibarretxe describes as “opposing reason and persuasion to violence, intolerance and barbarism”.
Now then, if there remain here illuminated ones who “see very clearly” in that realm of darkness, if someone does truly believe – having come this far – that the French-Spanish imperialism and fascism in power do not exist, and that the established “non-violent power” will fall back in the face of the persuasion, the “pacifist” exhortations and good feelings, is obviously people who have no remedy. (The exhibitions of good feelings and the conciliatory spirit only manage to increase the derision and scorn of those who hold the political power.)
For the imperialism and fascism, the “dialogue” has as a condition the acceptance and recognition of both its régime of military occupation, its monopoly of criminal Violence, and its imperialistic “right, laws, justice and institutions” (that enshrine that régime as legitimate); as well as its annexation of the subjected Peoples by the imperialistic Nation as a legitimate part of it. And the “institutions” that they talk about consist in institutional criminal Violence, have nothing to do with persuasion and dialogue, and their true aim is to close by means of the monopoly of criminal Violence all the ways not only for a genuine dialogue but also for the negotiation. The “dialogue” offered by the imperialism and fascism does therefore imply the submission, exclusion and liquidation of the Peoples: “starting from there, the dialogue is possible”.
On their part, the purported realistic and possibilistic leaders Pnv-Eta “have it very clear that the solution to the Basque problem lies in dialogue, persuasion, votes and elections; in negotiation, and the exclusively political, democratic and non-violent way” etc. But this is not to solve the “Basque problem”. This is to deny the reality of French-Spanish imperialism and to practice the cover-up and apologia of its criminal régime of military occupation, by proposing as being possible within it mechanisms of action that, on the contrary, the French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime does by its very essence and nature exclude and make impossible. This is to accumulate pieces of nonsense that take for solved the problem to be solved, since if there were dialogue there would be no imperialism; and if there is imperialism then there is no possibility of dialogue.
Let’s see: as it is evident “the Basque problem” is the problem of French-Spanish imperialism; and this imperialism is, not by accident but by its essence and its existence, incompatible with the non-violence, dialogue and freedom; with the love, peace and harmony that at all times preach the hypocrites and pharisees that integrate its propaganda services. In such circumstances, the only solution that is offered by the reality is the political contradiction between the forces of the fascist imperialism, on the one side, and the forces of freedom of Peoples, on the other.
In the first place, it must be said that the dialogue is founded on the recognition of the otherness of the other with whom one is dialoguing; and that does necessarily exclude and is incompatible with all criminal violence. Therefore, where dialogue is really possible and present, imperialism does not exist, since it consists in the criminal denial/destruction of the other in its own otherness. Dialogue is impossible where there is an imperialistic political régime, established and maintained by means of criminal war, occupation and fascism: political procedures which are resorted to not to dialogue but to liquidate the existence of a subjugated People, whose rights and even existence are thus radically denied. To speak of “dialogue” starting from the imperialistic reality: which denles the entity and existence of the dominated Peoples, is sarcasm.
Genuine dialogue is incompatible with imperialism. As it is obvious, if the imperialism and fascism were capable of dialogue, then they would not be imperialism and fascism, and there would be no imperialistic problem to solve. But unfortunately, the French-Spanish imperialistic Nationalism exists, and its objective is not the dialogue but the liquidation by all means of the Peoples it is subjugating.
To replace or to accompany dialogue with negotiation: something that the Pnv-Eta group does also demand, as a remedy to the original and eminent Violence of imperialism makes even less sense. In reality, the dialogue and the imperialistic political momentum are two realities that do mutually exclude between themselves: if there really is dialogue, then there is no imperialistic policy; and if there is an imperialistic policy, there is no dialogue. Whereas negotiation: being an expression of the rapport of forces, is a component of the policy, whether this one be democratic or despotic.
Let’s see, non-violence – which is the characteristic of dialogue – is incompatible with the negotiation, since this one does not exclude but rather involves violence: whether real and effective or virtual and potential. Indeed, a negotiation implies a confrontation of forces. Now then, there is no possibility of political negotiation when – due to incapacity or absenteeism – there is a lack of an interlocutor with the capacity to raise an opposition of a strategic level; which is necessarily constituted by its real capacity to wield violence, that is: by its capability to create at least a decisive political crisis against the established imperialistic and fascist power that this one cannot ignore.
Policy is the determination of social behaviour by means of violence. Therefore, without capacity for violence: represented at least by the unanimous support of the People to the slogan of the democratic opposition for carrying out a total boycott and stand-up against the purported “democratic general elections” of the imperialistic and totalitarian established power, there is no possibility of real political action; and consequently it is clear that without political capacity there is no possibility of political negotiation. There are only, in any case, endless simulations, conversations, gestures and imitations, that is: the simulacrum of a non-existent real policy carried out by extras and fakers that are straw dolls and creatures in the payroll of the established French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist power (which they recognize it as legitimate and democratic); and whose mission is to bring confusion, demoralization and exhaustion to the subjugated People they claim to represent. Such is the case of the mafia-liquidationist bureaucracy Pnv-Eta and its current satellites: Ea-Ehbildu-Sortu-Geroa bai etc.
Political negotiation implies rapport, division and opposition of forces; however, all this is necessarily excluded where and when there is a monopoly of fascist political power, and the “opposition” to it either does not occur or is infra-political, i.e. infrastrategic. In such a case, it is the monopoly of criminal imperialistic and fascist Violence that imposes its conditions, and the others either accept them or endure them, with or without “dialogue”. Such is the hard but unique reality, which the Pnv-Eta etc. spokespersons are “incapable” to understand and which they do tirelessly try to hide from their helpless followers and victims, by telling them that the solution they propose – to the French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime – is “dialogue and negotiation” while continuing to recognize it as non-Nationalist, non-violent, legitimate, democratic and “the State” of their own.
To propose “dialogue and negotiation” under such conditions is to hide or deny both the reality and the criminal nature of the French-Spanish imperialistic régime, which are incompatible with any authentic dialogue; as well as the infrastrategic entity and capacity of the alleged representatives of the Basque opposition, qualities that are incompatible with any genuine negotiation. This not to solve the problem of that imperialism over ther Basque People and its State but to deny it or take it for solved, if it ever existed. All of which amounts precisely to supportting the idea which, to a prudent and selective extent (since the threat to use its monopoly of criminal Violence must always remain credible), the established French-Spanish imperialistic régime tries to give of itself
“Liberty, equality and fraternity” are formal principles that have been recuperated and have become perfectly compatible with modern fascism and imperialism. However, these “principles” are not those which constitute this political régime that so falsely invokes them, since it consists precisely of their denial: under an imperialistic régime, liberty, equality and fraternity are completely subordinated to its monopoly of criminal Violence.
Let's see, those who have destroyed all the freedoms through criminal Violence, war of aggression and Terror of masses claim the established imperialistic régime as founded in “freedom”. But the real foundation of the established imperialistic régime consists precisely in the ruin and destruction of freedom, namely: in the war of aggression and conquest, in the permanent military occupation, in the subjugation and repression of freedom and of all fundamental human rights, and in the monopolies of violence and propaganda: a real foundation that the fascist ideology does at any cost try to hide. Once again, they use ambiguity, confusion, falsification and recuperation of terms and concepts so as to achieve the alienation and ideological intoxication of the Peoples.
They claim to defend “the freedom of everybody”. But all policy and all law do limit the freedom of the subjects: a hypothetical “absolute freedom” excludes all policy and all law. The political and juridical freedom of oneself “does not end where the freedom and the rights of the others do start”; it begins where the freedom and fundamental rights of the others end, which must first be respected. Yet, since for the imperialism do not exist the others or others’ rights, its “freedom” has no limits and is imposed without restrictions through its monopoly of criminal Violence. The only issue that makes sense is to know what freedom is about, established by whom, and for what purpose that freedom is allowed or limited.
A democratic policy defends the freedom inherent in fundamental human rights, and limits the “freedom” to suppress or weaken them; that is: democratic freedom is the freedom of individuals and Peoples to exercise their fundamental rights. In the face of this, a despotic and imperialistic policy defends the “freedom” to destroy human rights, and denies through criminal Violence the freedom to exercise them; that is: the “freedom” of imperialism and fascism is its capability to deny the freedom of the oppressed individuals and Peoples. In short, imperialism and fascism are “free” to impose the régime of criminal Violence and through criminal Violence that they want to. (“Liberty Valance taking liberties with the liberty of the press!”)
The freedom of the French and Spanish Nationalists allows them to subjugate and divide up a Country and a State by means of criminal Violence, war of aggression and Terror of masses; to exercise the monopoly of all powers; and to make and impose their real constitution and formal “Constitution” by means of “the guns: the most important integral part of the constitution”. On their part, the subjects who endure them are also “free”: “free” to submit by force to imperialism and fascism, and “free” to be Spaniards or French, and nothing else. All of them must be equal Spaniards or French, more equal than the others, who are and pretend to be unequal/different.
The monopolist propaganda aims to make people believe that nothing is happening here, and that there is but to follow as if nothing there would have happened, yet preserving the social and political order imposed by imperialism and fascism of Francespain. “Starting from there” no more wars or conflicts: all are subject to the power of the winner and that’s all. And no more fooling around with “differences” or “privileges” or “discriminations”: all equal, all plural and all Spaniards or French, as Spaniards and French are much more equal and more plural than anyone else: it’s the “pluralism” of France and Spain, which we’ve already had the opportunity to analyse.
After the prior recognition of the monopolies of violence and propaganda of the established French-Spanish imperialistic régime, and the acceptance of the result of all his crimes; starting from the subservience to all the “laws” and postulates of its imperialistic Nationalism, and from the renunciation to national freedom and to the other fundamental rights of self-determination, legitimate defence, free expression and communication as well as to all political and ideological opposition, the French-Spanish “democratic and non-violent” terrorist régime does magnanimously grant all freedoms, all coexistence, all pluralism, all dialogue, all negotiation, all elections and all rights – at unique sense – that may be wanted: especially the right to condemn and pursue others’ violence that opposes their own criminal Violence; and advocates in particular for “the right of everybody to think freely and differently”, that is: to “think” the way they want, who are much more free, much more equal and more different than the others. But beware: no sooner their domination gets damaged, than there will immediately occur the new uprising aimed at restoring the social conditions and rules of the game in which they may always win.
Starting from there do begin “coexistence, non-violence, peace, freedom and democracy” such as the imperialism and fascism understand them, this is: the monopoly of criminal Violence of the established power. Their “coexistence” is to live as they want; their “pluralism”, the “right” – that’s to say, the obligation – of all to be Spaniards or French; their “rejection of violence coming from where it may come” is the imperialistic and fascist monopoly of criminal Violence and State Terrorism; their “democracy”, the “right” that those who are not Spaniards or French – but that are forced to be so – have to vote where, when and what those Governments want them to; their “freedom of expression” is to say the same things than their masters do; and their “freedom of organization”, to join the Organic Democracy imposed by General Franco: adapted and perfected by international fascism and National-socialism.
It is thus demonstrated their conviction – whether founded or not – that the dominated People has been already reduced to the state of a tele-phagic zombie. Because “starting from there” dialogue is actually superfluous and impossible at the same time, since “starting from there” there is nothing left to talk about, nor anybody to talk to, nor anything to do, nor anything to vote, nor anything to negotiate. There only remain subservience, silence, clandestinity and persecution of the free ideas and people; dismemberment, incorporation and annexation of the Kingdom of Nabarre; national liquidation and denial of the Basque People and its occupied State; and recognition – de facto and de jure – of the “great” imperialistic States and Nations, and of their régime of military occupation as effective, democratic and non-violent at the same time; with the assumption of the principles and impositions of the foreign imperialistic Nationalism, and the express abandonment of the principles and rights of national freedom and identity, and of democracy.
“Starting from there.” The dominant ideology has designed an original historical chronology in which time – as war and peace – begins, ends and stops as it suits better to imperialism and fascism. As it will be seen later, for the ideologists of the imperialism “what matters is the future, and not the past”; but the history, the past, the present and the future which they speak about do in each case and circumstance begin and end as and when the political power decides it so: for that it is the political power!
The French “revolution” and the Spanish “transition” did supposedly imply according to them “starting afresh, clean slate, tabula rasa, zero point of the political process”; but they understood that this did not mean the annulation but the confirmation and intangibility of the foundations of the “Ancien Régime”. For the imperialism, the “zero point” does always start for imperialism from the endorsement, recognition and acceptance of all the imperialistic past and present.
“Clean slate, turning over a new page, tabula rasa, zero point of the political process, what matters is the present: the unique reality”, are fallacious, hypocritical and formally contradictory formulas that tickle the “common sense” of the simple, realistic and practical souls, but that deny the past and present reality of the oppressed Peoples while affirming the past foundations – intangible and immovable – of the dominant imperialistic State, whether despotic-asiatic, absolutist or fascist. At the same time, both the agents and the victims of such propaganda seem to feel particularly satisfied with so “realistic an assertion of common sense and obvious content”; yet, behind the trivial and functional confusion of the ideas, the only obvious thing given here is the “incapability” to understand what the thing is about: an ideologically profitable incapability among naïve or submissive souls, without which it would not serve for anything. “The present as unique reality” is less obvious than what they pretend it should be accepted.
What mainstream propaganda calls “present” is a significant segment – ideologically established and determined – of the past, which does no longer exist, projected towards the future, which does not yet exist. The sole “current” present is the absolute present. But this absolute present: neither past nor future, is the very instant, and this has no history or sociology, it is out of all experience and all theory. (Beat, blow, shadow and fatuous reflection of the social history and reality, contrary to the lapse: even to “a lapse, an instant or a moment of a very short duration”, that “absolute present” is not even part of the time but a hypostatic “entity”, trendy, pointwise, infinitesimal, imaginary and imperceptible limit; or “transition, mere step – devoid of existence – by which the future does nonstop change into past”.)
The absolut present is already the past. Time is change, and the “current” present is out of it. Instead, “the noticeable present does always have a duration. The only fact that offers our experience is what has been rightly called the plausible present.” A time without duration is not more real than a space without extension. If in this way we state the “present” as “of a relatively considerable duration: the present state of things, as opposed to the distant past and future”, then “the real and actual present” forms a lasting part – theoretically and ideologically determined – of history. All theory, consideration or description of past (or of others’) history is inevitably also so of our own contemporary history, with the ends and method that are its own.
The social sciences, the same as the natural sciences, “do refer to the past”, “do rest on our experience, and our experience is placed in the past”. The structural unity of the social relations and process, and the methodical conditions of its research, are those which determine the significant identity and duration of the historical time; and the epistemological conditions of its research are those which determine the scientific segmentation and synthesis of history.
In the constant passing of time, the present is already past; but the past is present in the historical synthesis. Without a past of reference there are not subjects, nor Peoples, nor society, nor rights, nor States. The person itself “could not be constituted without the help of a tradition and of a ‘social heritage’ that has as a main means the language”. “The past, including in it the present, is the only weapon that we have to give battle to the future”; here is a beautiful maxim that the ideology of the imperialism turns as misleading as dangerous: both for science and for democracy. “The loss of the past: whether collective or individual, is the great human tragedy. It is first of all to avoid this loss that the Peoples do desperately resist the conquest.” It is to obtain it that the totalitarian ideology does destroy by all means the historical memory of the Peoples.
If not even the pre-Columbian America is irrelevant to its contemporary sociology and history, though it does not identify with these ones, how then could it be irrelevant our own past of permanent aggressions at the hands of French-Spanish-roman/vatican imperialism? In the multi-centennial struggle of the Basque People against imperialistic nationalism (Nationalism in the strict sense) and Terrorism, the violence and the terror of the wars of aggression and the repression of the past founded and prepared the criminal Violence and the Terror of the present order, and are identical of them. However, the imperialistic propaganda speaks of transition, page break, tabula rasa, clean slate, and of resuming over from scratch, as if the Spanish State had begun ex novo with the Constitution and the Government that “we’ve given us all”, that is to say: that they have given themselves so as to make the others to suffer.
They claim that “in democracy” each Party presents freely its political propositions and the People decides. But the fascist imperialism in power has not been constituted by presenting proposals in democracy. It has “presented its proposals” after having imposed its domination by means of violence, war, subjugation, repression and terror. And it is precisely in that same frame where they tell us that the surviving victims of centuries of aggression and despotism “present freely their proposals”.
Under the imperialistic and fascist Nationalism the “democracy, human rights, liberty, equality and fraternity” face the same fate as the “dialogue”. The falsification/recuperation of the fundamental terms and concepts of democratic sociology and policy, carried out by the ideologists of the imperialism, serves to the objective of their liquidation of the former. In reality, it is here a question about “dialogue, democracy, human rights, liberty, equality and fraternity” between Spanish and French Fascists and Nationalists, and from them are excluded those who are not so. (Since the French Nationalist revolution, the totalitarianism invokes more and more human rights, equality, freedom and self-determination of Peoples in order to conceal or legitimize despotism, imperialism and fascism. The common terms and concepts are preserved, recuperated and falsified so as to conceal and legitimize different ideas.)
Those who exercise their power through criminal violence, aggression, permanent armed occupation and denial of all fundamental rights, do claim to defend the freedom of which they pretend to be “deprived”. The official propaganda proclaims and demands the right “of all” – that is: of all those who are agree with them – to pursue their “political purposes through non-violence and within the framework of the democratic institutions”, insofar as they accept the conditions, limits and aims imposed by the power thus constituted; but they have not needed nor do need any of that to impose their own régime. In reality, they exercise their “rights” and pursue their ends through war of aggression, total power, and unlimited and self-legitimated criminal violence; they do not do it through the respect but through the liquidation of the States and the democratic institutions of the subjugated Peoples, and through the establishment of other ones made at their own convenience. They establish the imperialistic institutions on the others; and the others suffer from them.
They claim that “the first law of democracy is to respect the other one, the opponent, the one who thinks different than you”, and that “freedom is for everybody, even for the democratic Basque nationalists”. As they say, they defend “the rights of all” (the Spaniards); also those of the “democratic Basque nationalists”. By virtue of such – more than free – absolutely free, egalitarian, generous and impartial provision, “the democratic Basque nationalists” have full freedom, full right and complete obligation of being Spaniards, of respecting and complying with the Spanish political order, and of “defending their ideas” within the Constitution and the Statute; this is: of expressing their “opposition” within the institutions that the imperialism has established on the denial/destruction of the Basque People and its State, placed on an equal footing with all the Peoples of the world and their legitimate States. That is, they are free to be Spaniards or French, fascists and imperialists.
Yet, the “freedom and respect for all”, that they speak about, is the “freedom” for all Spaniards: is the “freedom” of adhesion – or submission – to the liquidation of the national freedom of the Basque People that the French-Spanish imperialism and fascism have undertaken. The Spanish and French Nationalists have a right to absolute political domination, since all the powers emanate from the Spanish or French Nation one and indivisible, constituent and constituted on the Peoples, Nations and States of others. And the “democratic Basque nationalists” have the “right” – that is, the obligation – to submit to the power of the Spanish and French Nationalists, disguised behind the “respect to the other one who thinks different than you”.
In this way, they are “democratic Basque nationalists” those who de facto and de iure support, accept and recognize the domination of the – French-Spanish – Nationalism, and those who deny the right of self-determination or independence of all Peoples and the very existence of the Basque Nation and its occupied State. That is to say: those who are neither (Basque) nationalist nor democrats, namely: the local French-Spanish Nationalists. The other Basque nationalists are to be victims of State Terrorism and are entitled to deportation, firing squad, jail, and individual or collective final solution, as criminals and enemies of the “democratic rules” that the Spanish and French Nationalist-fascists fabricate and impose. (Anyway, due to the “incompatibility between [Basque] nationalism and democracy”, as well as the “identification between [Basque] nationalism and terrorism” that do at all hours proclaim the same sources of fascist propaganda, little margin, little space and little time are left to the “Basque” moderate or radical accomplices of the [French-Spanish] Nationalism-Terrorism for their democratic relaxation.)
According to the fascists, they grant everyone the right of assembly, yet the assembly with arms and the monopoly of the permanent armed forces are rights which they reserve for themselves. Those who have imposed on the Basque People the current political régime through armed aggression and criminal violence, with contempt for all its fundamental rights; those who by means of the monopoly of criminal violence and terror oppress and repress, execute, imprison, silence and present as delinquents and fugitives all those who refuse to submit to such a régime; those who – masters of the monopoly of criminal violence – resort to unofficial and treacherous torture and murder; those who impose their “elections” after having liquidated those of the others; those who transfer territories, voters and candidates, denying all political rights to the – according to themselves – non-existent Basque People, do discover with scandal that, even so, “they have problems to get being voted in some municipalities where their rights are not respected”, and they protest as innocent and immaculate victims by the “situation of fear and inferiority” in which they have been placed because of those who have been deprived by them of all their rights, and cannot have their own State nor their own Nation, neither can they perform their own elections nor therefore be voted in them, being themselves faced to the monopolies of repression, which prohibit by means of criminal violence and terror the exercise of all fundamental rights.
But those same Spanish imperialists, who thus accuse the subjugated Basque People of denying the “voting rights” to the agents of the imperialistic régime, do not in their turn grant such rights to the “citizens resident” recognized by them: neither Germans nor Russians nor Chinese nor continental Basques have such freedom or such rights, if thet have not obtained “Spanish nationality” before.
As for the “Basques” whom they and the Spanish laws talk about, they are not even recognizednor can vote as such in their own country and their own elections, since what the Spanish rule calls “Basques” are but “Spaniards settled in three (Basque) Spanish Provinces”, as there say the Spanish Constitution and the Statute of Autonomy for the Basque Country of 1979. In any case, they are so only“for the purposes of this Statute”, as it is pointed out in its Article 7.1: “For the purposes of this Statute there will have the political condition of Basques those who have the administrative neighbourhood, according to the General Laws of the [Spanish] State, in any of the municipalities in the territory of the Autonomous Community”. The others do not exist and, therefore, have no “rights” as “Basques”. The ones and the others can only “vote” in the Spanish “elections” as transvestites equipped with Spanish identity card. Thus, apart from the Spaniards of the “Basque Provinces” there are no “Basques” and they cannot vote as such: the traditional term and concept are recuperated and falsified so as to fraudulently conceal and comfort a different idea. The double meaning of the terms, and the ambiguity and confusion of the concepts are being constantly and deliberately sought after and used as ideological weapons by the imperialistic régime.
The rights in general – and the right of organizing and participating in elections and other enquiries in particular – are conditioned by the right of self-determination of Peoples, first of fundamental human rights and prior condition of them all, according to the contemporary International Law formulated by the United Nations. All the Peoples and States of the world deny
“By virtue of the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, all peoples have the right freely to determine, without external interference, their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development, and every State has the duty to respect this right in accordance with the provisions of the Charter”. [UNGAR 2625 (1970)]
There is no “right of imperialism”, there is only crime of imperialism. The People subjected to imperialistic domination: where there still remains a People that does not accept the rules of the game imposed by that régime, opposes and resists imperialism – in any of its manifestations – by all means necessary by virtue of the right of independence, free disposition or self-determination of all Peoples, of the right of legitimate self-defence, and of the right of integrity of its State.
The agents of an occupying imperialistic Power, insofar as they deny the fundamental human rights and first of all the right of self-determination of Peoples, do not have voting rights or any other political right in the occupied Country. In this way, those who in the occupied territories of the Basque People – and under the protection and conditions established by the French and Spanish military occupation – do proclaim themselves Spaniards or French, are imperialists who defend the military occupation of our Country, and therefore they have no electoral rights nor any other political rights in it. Claiming otherwise is not a simple matter of electoral regulation: it implies to deny all the fundamentals of the national question. It all depends on the response given to the question whether the Basque Country is a Nation, or two regions of Spain and France. One cannot speak of “Euskadi as a Nation” (as the official “Basque nationalist or patriotic Parties” do), and accept and defend that the Spanish and French Government and Parties “have perfect and democratic right” to exercise political rights in the territory of such a Nation.
If Spaniards and French, and the Spanish and French Parties – although not the German or Italian ones – have electoral rights in the Basque Country, but not in England or Poland; and if the Spanish Prime Minister – but not the English or Polish one – “is perfectly entitled” to the Council of Bilbao, then it is clear that the Basque Country does not exist as such Country, and that it is a nation of joke: an integral part of France and Spain that are true Nations. The national principle is not simple verbiage that obliges to nothing and nobody; it is not something that can be half-preserved, or taken or left as appropriate to the whim of the “jeltzale” [bureaucrats of the Pnv]. In that way it is not possible to seriously and logically assert the Basque People as a distinct Nation and defend its rights. The so-called “Basque nationalist” Parties that do – more and more rarely and weakly – assert it as a nation, but do at the same time defend the “democratic rights” of the Spanish or French Nationalist Party in the Basque Country, have thereby abandoned and betrayed the national principle of the Basque People and its democratic rights, so as to join the aggressor and occupying Nations and the defence of the “right of imperialism” that allegedly assists them.
If they see no contradiction in recognizing to Spaniards and French the “right” to organize “elections” in their respective areas of domination, it’s because they – expressly or tacitly – deny to the Basque People its existence as a People, as a different Nation and State with the same rights as the others of the World; because they affirm it as an integral part of France and Spain; and because, terrified and corrupted by the ideological and political pressure of the rampant global imperialism, they have abandoned – if ever had it – all sense of national dignity so as to link the Country on the bandwagon of the fascist imperialism.
The Spanish and French Nationalists, and the European States and regions that support them, are consistent with all this when they claim the Spanish and French character of the people of this “region”, and when they defend the right that the Spanish and French nationalist Parties hold so as to occupy it militarily (or to “stand for Alderman” and all the lot), since they from the start claim that the Basque region is an integral part of France and Spain and that “the Basque People does not exist”. There only exist a territorial administration and those “citizens” registered in it, which they call “Euskadi and Basques” to confuse fools when they need it. Those who claim the right of Spaniards and French – but no of Germans, Chinese or not approved Basques – to impose their political régime, their political Parties and “elections” in the occupied territories, and deny to the subjugated People the right to oppose against them on the basis of the right of self-determination and legitimate self-defence of all Peoples, those such are not Basque “nationalists” and democrats: they are Spanish and French imperialists, fascists and Nationalist, even though they pretend to be “jeltzale” or “radical patriots”.
These ones call themselves “democrats, Basque nationalists, and supporters of the right to decide of the Basque citizenry” (thereby hiding, denying and falsifying the Basque People and the right of self-determination or independence of the Basque People); but what they are really doing is denying the Basque People the equal rights inherent in all Peoples of the world. The imperialists, fascists and colonialists, perpetrators of continuous crimes of war, against peace and against humanity (whether in the Basque Country or in any other Country in the World), as international criminals that they are, have no rights: neither electoral nor political in general. By virtue of the right of self-determination of all Peoples, and the right to independence and territorial integrity of the States constituted on that same right of self-determination, the Peoples defend themselves against them with all the legal resources that the international right recognizes them, including the inherent right of legitimate self-defence.
They advocate the humanist and universalist internationalism; but if in theory and in practice is denied the right of self-determination or independence of all Peoples, it is being affirmed then the imperialistic Nationalism, not the democratic inter-nationalism, whose necessary base is being refused and destroyed. They advocate harmony among Peoples; but if in theory and in practice is denied the right of self-determination of peoples, it is being denied and destroyed the basis of harmony among Peoples, and affirmed and built the base of international hatred, violence and war. They claim that “the only homeland is humanity”, and defend the principle of “nonchalance” before the national identity. Of course, it’s not a novelty the fact that everybody presents things as it suits him best; but take the whole world as nitwit is a somewhat exaggerated way of approaching these issues.
When the “Basque” armed and unarmed institutionalists bemoan the “democratic deficit” of the established régime, or of the “state of emergency” etc., they are actually preserving the régime of military occupation as such, which they call “democratic”, and referring only to the “excesses” that affect their own interests. They are thereby hiding the reality of the imperialism of Francespain, and practicing the concealment and apologia for the French-Spanish régime of military occupation of the Basque People and its State, the Kingdom of Nabarra. The hypocritical formal reservations about the “democratic deficit, because no régime is perfect”, or the “state of emergency” etc., only deceive those who want to be deceived.
“Persuasion and dialogue, alliances, institutional path with elections, concentrations, demonstrations and real or symbolic general or hunger-strikes, silly uproar, attempts, limited or definitive truces, imaginary negotiations and peace processes, consultations to know the opinion over consultations to decide over nobody knows what, reports and resources before to universal or regional bodies” etc. are not simple hoaxes or advantaged forms of ridicule. They are diverse traps, food for fools and delaying manoeuvers that allow the real power and its collaborators and accomplices to gain time and obtain information, as well as to provoke, weaken, divide, wear down, burn, demoralize, blame, corrupt, distract and keep at infra-strategic level all opposition, and – at length – to exhaust the human and material resources of the actual or virtual Resistance, while the imperialistic, nationalist and fascist bulldozer continues day by day its work of demolition of Peoples. They are also the proof of the underdevelopment, primitivism and weakness of the subjugated Nations, and of the disastrous work of the collaborationism, the complicity, the corruption and the betrayal of their purported representatives (in our country, the Pnv-Eta group), which seek thus to cover up and hide the fact that they do not have the slightest idea on how to get out of the situation that so much they have contributed to establish and consolidate, nor the least intention of looking for it.
Without a strategic base of its own, and in the ideologically and psychologically sick and battered society that corresponds to a People subdued under absolute imperialism: Nationalist, colonialist and of military occupation for centuries such as is the Spanish and the French one on the Basque People, its opposition, diverted, misdirected and blocked by an alleged, incompetent, corrupt and recuperated “political class”, is depleted, degraded and disintegrated; it oscillates between collaborationism and attempts. In these conditions, the inevitable consequences are still appearing in all fields; and legality and illegality do destroy each other. The performances of such a “political class”: consisting in opportunism, demoralization, demobilization and inhibition, lead to submission, collaboration, complicity and betrayal in an accelerated and irreversible process of political liquidation, lethal to all democratic opposition. The Peoples are attacked and ruined from outside, but do collapse and sink from within: the indigenous collaborationism and complicity weaken them, humiliate them and put them on their knees.
In such circumstances the national characters of the subjugated Peoples are being reduced to marginal remains, part of the inheritance seized and annexed by the dominant Nations. For the imperialists of our Country there is no more language than the Spanish (and the French); what the ideologists of the imperialism and its indigenous puppets of the “bilingualism and normalization” call, when it suits them, “Castilian”, while they hide and disguise the linguistic reality to deceive the last dreamers.
“Therefore, Linguistics, properly handled, can serve as a means of supposedly scientific justification for a situation of domination and oppression among different linguistic communities and as a form of concealment of the real causes of this situation. The manipulation of the linguistic science has also another purpose: to present positions based on a clearly nationalist and ethnocentric ideology as based on a scientific and objective basis, thus hiding their clearly ideological character.
“For the linguistic Spanish nationalism the unique favourable situation is the one in which the Spanish language puts in troubles other languages which can shadow it. [...] In this Web page of the “Marca España” site is emphasized precisely the growing strength of the Spanish as a language of international communication in the face of a lower growth of the current great language of international communication, the English. This way of confronting the major languages (English, Spanish, Chinese) [...] clearly reflects the typical mentality of imperialism”. (J.C. Moreno Cabrera; ‘Errores y horrores del españolismo lingüístico’, Ed. Txalaparta, 2015.)
The global relationship between constituents and constitutive forces, and their fundamental decisions, determine the law, the real and primary constitution, the secondary and formal Constitution, and the actions and decisions of the State legislative bodies. Only the accurate appreciation of the general structure of forces allows the correct interpretation of the legal data and of their electoral and legislative vicissitudes.
Democracy is the political power of the People; but its genuine realization requires something more than simply rigging institutions and words, as imperialistic and totalitarian States that disguise themselves as “democracy” all around the world are currently doing. In this line, and incapable of clearing up or declaring the reality of policy and “the great mystery of law”, the dominant ideology of the Second Francoism incorporates the themes and fetishes traditionally reputed as democratic, of which it avails itself in order to affirm the legitimacy of its alleged “democratic, peaceful and non-violent régime, founded in law, ‘universal’ suffrage, votes and free elections, in the will of the majority, the reason, the persuasion, the dialogue, the pacts, the given word, the consensus, the rule of law, the Constitution and the rules of the game that we’ve given us all” etc., that’s to say: that they have given to themselves for to make the others suffer it; all of which they present as the base of the established régime.
Yet, such a thing or political régime has never existed and will never exist, neither here nor anywhere, because what is materially and formally absurd has no possible existence. What is logically absurd cannot sociologically exist; but the monopolistic propaganda, with the support of the armed and unarmed institutionalists Pnv-Eta, deludes the scapegoats that despotism on power produces by mediatic fistful into believing anything in our Clountry.
Because the the fact is that elections etc. do not found or determine policy; it is the fundamental political realities – the effective power of the previously constituted State within its borders, with its armed forces etc. – that found and determine elections etc. Specifically, in conditions of dictatorship, “the elections, the rule of law etc.” do not found anything except the totalitarian State itself. The Second Francoism propaganda creates the fetishism of the polls and makes the Peoples – or a large part of them – believe that the imperialistic and fascist power is a régime founded and established on voting, elections, consultations, majority, consensus etc. But all this is nothing but a big trickery: “the act whereby a People is a People is the true foundation of society.” The fact that it may be affirmed otherwise indicates in itself the level of destruction of reason under the dictatorship of imperialism and fascism.
In the resulting imperialistic and fascist régime can vote those that the monopolies of violence and propaganda want to, is voted what they want to, when, how and where they want to. In such conditions, either the People has strength, or lack of it. Even in the first case the “elections” are always lost; in the second, not even there are elections. In any case, under an imperialistic and conflict-ridden régime between antagonistic forces, institutionally and electorally irreducible, if the result of the polls is not what there suits that régime, the army revolts. Here the army revolted long ago, and it has never descended or has been taken off the horse.
Never “votes, attempts, persuasion and dialogue” have been able to get anything against the cannons, never have they been able to push back French-Spanish imperialism and fascism in our Country. To pretend otherwise is to deny all political reality; it is to adopt the strategy and tactics of imperialism, which for now are the only ones there are; it is to deny the reality of imperialism, to deny the problem, not to solve it.
If hiding the true historical and social roots of its domination is – in the appropriate and prudent extent – a necessity for the imperialistic ideology in general, it is a much greater necessity for the complementary ideology that the auxiliary services of the indigenous collaborationism have as a mission to impose on their own subjugated Country. Only in this way can they make believe their followers that “the institutional path and the armed struggle”: a consequence of the political incapability in the face of the imperialism, are effective remedies against the régime of military occupation and its overwhelming monopoly of criminal Violence.
Forty years of “institutional struggle and armed struggle” have opened and closed so many times “the gates of the illusion, hope, dialogue and self-determination” that, however much known the efficiency of the monopolies of conditioning of masses may be, it’s hard to believe that these ones can still really think that the ideologists and strategists of the Pnv-Eta complex: the “moderate or radical official leaders” of the purported “Basque political class”, have the faintest idea about the mode and manner of taking out the Country that they say to be defending from the blind alley and death trap in which they themselves have taken it in, or the slightest intention or least desire to carry out or promote such a task. It’s at least as difficult to believe such a thing, as that they may still think that the armed forces of the French- Spanish imperialistic régime of military occupation do not exist, or expect that they will proceed to their general self-disarmament as a result of the sermons, exhortations, lamentations or resounding “electoral triumphs” of the heralds of the one-way “non-violence”, or of the attempts by the “revolutionary war”.
Once any strategic perspective has been thus excluded, there only remains now available the unprincipled opportunism. But without strategy there are neither policy nor tactics that are worthwhile. There is only mental confusion at the service of the imperialism and of its own policy, which is the only one that there is; of its own Government, which is the only one that there is; and of its own strategic criminal Violence, which is the only one that there is.
The real objective of the imperialistic propaganda about “the votes and the will of the majority” etc. is currently the concealment of the fundamental and constitutive criminal Violence of the French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime and its State. For the great majority of its clientele, the official ideology can even go without great efforts and theoretical fundamentalisms, since, as a result of the propaganda and ideology of the illusion, the reality of power and its original and permanent structure: based on armed occupation over the subjugated Peoples, on crimes and terror, do disappear. In its place, and as a result of this propaganda, “policy” is reduced to secondary formalisms: “Parties, elections and majorities or minorities” that advance or retreat and whose evolutions and vicissitudes – analyzed through contrived “sociological” projections explained (?) in gatherings by charlatans that they call “politologues” – are supposed to be the reality and even the quintessence of power; and institutional forms in suspension or levitation (marginal, derivative and secondary), which are presented as if they had nothing to do with the foundations of the order of criminal Violence that constitute the imperialistic régime.
The very banal and determining omnipresence of the armed forces: real foundation of policy, law and State, makes them to finally go unnoticed in the eyes of a conditioned populationby the permanent and stifling media action of the fascist monopolies of propaganda; a presence that, moreover, the bad faith of the agents of the Eta “activist scene” needs that it be evacuated and minimized, so that the inanity of their own activity may not be exposed and ridiculed before the magnitude and capacity of violence of the French-Spanish forces of occupation of our Country. For all this, given their vision of reality: steeped in characterized alienation and bad faith, and before the apparent minority of the imperialistic Party – either in its traditional version of Pp or in the National-socialist of Falange-PsoE – among the Basque People (a minority overwhelmingly compensated by the armed occupation and its monopolies of criminal Violence and fascist propaganda), the “agents and analysts” of armed and unarmed Pnv-Eta institutionalism do “therefore” deduce and proclaim that in the occupied Basque Country such colonialist formations – simple political arms: “right and left”, of the army of occupation – “do not constitute the establishment”, since, as the said agents affirm, “they are not the mainstream political parties” in our Country.
As it seems, it is not enough for these traitors-collaborationists that the Country is militarily occupied (what they do not want to see but need to deny), for admitting the reality of the authentic establishment, that is: the imperialistic, colonialist and fascist French-Spanish established power. So as to be fully ascertained that this is the true reality, they would in addition need to see the entire sociological base of our Country destroyed, and that even the declaredly Spanish and French parties – that is, fascist – were formally majority among us. Something that, although it does not occur in the sociological reality of our Country given the Basque National Resistance, nevertheless those imperialistic parties can afford not to reach, without thereby ceasing to be the really dominant ones as they are, thanks to their military forces that occupy our Country, which protect and project them as a dominant reality even without being formally a majority.
Those minority National-imperialistic local formations auxiliaries of the occupation régime: which the Pnv-Eta traitors-collaborationists have accepted as “democratic and Basque” and which – according to their perverted, alienated, idealist and formalist vision of policy – “do not constitute the establishment”, would really be marginal and only a refuge for the fascist Metropolitan Colonists and the indigenous Renegades (as they basically are), if it had not been because of the political ruin that the Pnv-Eta armed and unarmed collaborationists have brought over the Movement of National Liberation – also in the “electoral” field – through ideological intoxication and recuperation, strategic liquidation, and widespread confusion and demoralization that they have established in the social base of our Country, after having recognized the imperialistic and fascist régime of military occupation and its auxiliary parties as “democratic”.
The Pnv-Eta supporters of “the armed and unarmed institutional path” do not believe in the reality of imperialism nor in the Resistance to imperialism. Beyond their tricks and “deficits”, the harsh reality is that the components of the liquidationist Pnv-Eta bureaucracy and its armed and unarmed satellites have accepted, supported and recognized: tacitly and expressly, the French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime of military occupation, and in particular the Francoism reformed by the intra-totalitarian transition, as effective, non-Nationalist, non-violent, legitimate and democratic. They have also falsified the very idea of the right of self-determination (which they falsify, destroy call the “right to decide”... continue under fascism, so as to make it “compatible” with it), and have thereby denied both the reality of imperialistic Nationalism as well as the national and political entity of the subjugated People. Starting from there, the events of the last forty years are the simple development – deductible and deduced, predictable, foreseen and declared – of the established imperialistic and fascist strategy.
It’s this way that all those who – either from an obtuse and suicidal conviction, or through the need to re-assure their guilty conscience with insincere alibis – are engaged in redounding upon the Basque People the imperialistic ideology, what they in fact are doing is trying to hide from it that the purported “Spanish democratic, non-violent (etc.) State”, to which for more than forty years they have been serving, that they support and that in its turn it supports them, has actually as an immediate and constitutive foundation the infamous and criminal enterprise of annihilation of the rights and freedoms of an independent, free and peaceful People: the Basque People; as well as the successive aggressions and the destruction – against national and international, temporal and un-temporal right – of the independence of its State: the Kingdom of Nabarre, and of the residuary Charters of its original sovereignty. All of it by means of the most hideous and repugnant war, occupation, dismemberment and annexation; through repression and Terrorism of war, occupation and State; and through imprescriptible crimes of war, against Peace and against Humanity, and the violation of all inherent fundamental human rights.
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