Back to reality (XXXIV)
XXXIV – Back to reality
Iñaki Aginaga and Felipe Campo
The truth, reality and identity of a political class or party are founded and characterized upon their ideological and political entity and content, not upon formal, personal, corporate, bureaucratic or instrumental distinctions. Considered the virtually countless political, trade-union, economic, ideological, cultural, humanitarian, recreational or sportive filials, dependencies, variants or specialties that make up the vast, symbiotic, pluriform and multi-onomastic conglomerate ranging from the official Pnv to the Eta, the respective differential margins cannot hide their unique matrix; which is revealed both in the fundamental political options and positions, as well as in the ideology that covers or conceals them.
So as to make their own positions compatible with the reality of the French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist political régime that occupies our Country (something that they carry out “with the most absolute respect to its institutions” that for them are democratic and their own); and in order to hide the inevitable consequences – foreseeable and foreseen – of the unstoppable drift that has taken them from opportunism to collaboration, complicity and betrayal (thus ingratiating themselves with imperialism and fascism in power), the armed and unarmed aboriginal institutionalists Pnv-Eta and their current satellites Ea-Ehbildu-Sortu-Geroa bai etc. have developed a propaganda that incorporates a rigged idea of democracy, a stubborn denial of the role of criminal Violence in the imperialistic Policy, State and Law, and a complete conceptual falsification of the fundamental and inherent right of self-determination or independence of all Peoples, distorted by them up to getting it turned into its own negation, expressed through the absurd and imperialistic idea of a “right to decide” under the military occupation and fascism in power. It is the inevitable consequence of their ideological and political liquidation of all strategic Resistance to Imperialism and Fascism of Francespain; a liquidation that they did adopt almost half a century ago so as to integrate themselves into “the democracy” of the Second Francoism currently reigning.
Their “incapacity” to dismantle the formally absurd official version on Violence and Terrorism of the criminal occupying States, contributes to its dissemination and implementation of masses in our Country. Without the active participation of the puppet “Basque government” in the “autonomous Basque community” (Cav), and of the armed and unarmed “moderate and radical” institutionalists Pnv-Eta in the fascist device of propaganda and ideological intoxication of masses, never would the French-Spanish Imperialism and Fascism have managed to reduce to collective idiocy a good part of the People which endure them.
The bureaucratic conglomerate Pnv-Eta and its satellites recognized in 1977-79, not only de facto but also de jure, the “new” Spanish imperialistic régime of the Second Francoism, presenting it as legitimate, democratic and non-violent. They were thereby abandoning all Resistance of strategic level; which, against the totalitarian integration of the Basque People and its State the Kingdom of Nabarre in the criminal French-Spanish imperialistic unity, implies the consequent implementation of the right of self-determination or independence of all Peoples, soon falsified and replaced by them with a reactionary “right to decide” acceptable and reconcilable for the French-Spanish imperialistic régime of military occupation. (See Chapter XVII above: ‘Contribution of the Pnv-Eta group to the falsification of the right of self-determination of all Peoples and to the reactionary fraud: the “right to decide”’.)
The result of this has been the political paralysis of a defenceless Country, without own institutions or strategy, whose last expressions had been liquidated in 1962 by the Pnv-Anv bureaucracies in the Munich Pact with the Spanish National-socialist-imperialistic party PsoE, in order to integrate themselves into the unitarian institutions and strategy of the post-Francoist Spanish imperialistic Fascism that these bureaucracies did then accept as democratic. And the People who does not have its own institutions and strategy is obliged to serve those of the one which has them, in this case the occupying States.That bureaucratic conglomerate Pnv-Eta, with its various ideological and political satellites, dependencies and branches, is actively involved in the recognition and dissemination of such a gross fraud against our People, ideologically defenceless by the betrayal of its alleged “political class and intelligentsia”. This attitude is partly explained by the ignorance and incapability of those Organizations in matters of political theory; but it does above all obey to their ideological need to hide the reality of Imperialism, Violence and Terrorism of the criminal State that by their unavowable corruption they have accepted as their own and democratic.
Their fundamental identity: corporately and bureaucratically formed and stabilized, is constantly realized in their theoretical and practical inability for any strategic approach capable of implementing the Resistance to French-Spanish imperialism; in their aversion to freedom of expression; in their simple and qualified acceptance and recognition of the imperialistic monopolies of criminal Violence and communication; in their consortium of mutual legitimation that they all exploit; and in the ideological alienation and the corruption of their clienteles, with a view to compensating them for the total ruin of their alleged democratic policy.
The Pnv bureaucracy and its satellites, including the Eta, recognize as democratic and their own ones the Spanish and French States of military occupation; and this despite the fact that, in addition to their lack of legitimacy, the ideology of the French-Spanish imperialistic Nationalism does – according to the respective versions – claim that the Basque People either it did never exist, or, if it ever did, disappeared in the more or less recent, diffuse and confused date in which it voluntarily renounced – as it is taken for granted – its nationality to join France and Spain, separated in two by the “natural border” of the Bidasoa river (that ceases to be so upstream the Endarlatsa bridge), imposed through war and military occupation.
As far as France is concerned, it is postulated that the Basque People disappeared during the “revolution”, when a part of “the Basques did freely abandon their nationality so as to voluntarily join the French People, one and indivisible, and become French” tout court; which Gipuzkoa and Biscay refused to imitate in their federalist – and therefore “counter-revolutionary” – proposal of accession.
And as regards Spain, it is intended that the corresponding incorporation-accession was manifested in the successive “voluntary unions” that followed the wars of conquest; which either never occurred, or were democratically validated, healed or consolidated it is not known how. (The given version depends in each case on the shamelessness of he who “explains” it.) And that, finally, it gained access to the democracy with the “constitutional pact” between the political Parties of the Spanish intra-totalitarian “transition”, through “the régime that we’ve all given ourselves”, it is: that they’ve given themselves for the others to suffer. Falsifications, lies, myths and nonsense are thus the obliged supporting resource of the French-Spanish imperialistic Nationalism in this Country.
For the institutionalist collaborationism with the fascism: from the traditional Pnv to the Eta, the imperialistic aggression and occupation of our Country do not exist, and they do not preclude, therefore, the peaceful, legitimate and democratic nature of the French-Spanish régime. They see in it a “deficit” that, as they say, does not affect its character essentially democratic and non-violent at the same time. They also, certainly, reprove the “excesses” of the organs of repression. And they manifest scandalized when the corporate and individual interests of their collaborationism are threatened by the own logic of the system that they have validated. That is: when either the Law of Political Parties or the judicial decisions restrict for the “moderates” and hinder the “radicals” the access and enjoyment of the institutional privileges and income; or when a purported state of emergency cuts or represses the privileges of their collaboration.
Due to awareness that have taken of their total inability to imagine – despite all the historical experiences and proofs – an ideological and political opposition capable of mobilizing and structuring the real active forces of the democratic opposition in this Country with a view to modifying the real rapport of forces, they are now obliged, if they want to retain corporations and clientele, to seek renewed forms of swindling, able to deceive at least those who want to be deceived, still numerous in the current conditions.
Plans and more plans, proposals and more proposals, pacts and more pacts, victorious elections, historical opportunities, very positive conferences, quantitative-qualitative jumps, and “general” strikes: each one of them emptier and more absurd than the previous ones, have been following one another for almost fifty years and are announced in an increasingly faster manner, in order to hide that their genitors do not have a damned idea of how to get out nor the least intention to get out of the situation which they themselves have created for their own benefit and prejudice of the Country that they claim to be representing. Their inveterate and imaginative mania of seeing or making appear the things not as they really are but as they want them to be or believe that they should be, keeps a good part of this Country since time immemorial waiting for “futurible events that we all know will never happen” (sic). Really, one needs to be living in the fairy tale of persuasion, dialogue, democracy and non-violence that the Pnv-Eta supporters of the armed or unarmed institutional path have imagined, not to realize about it.
The Pnv and its satellites, including the Eta, have recognized the established French-Spaish imperialistic and fascist régime; which, albeit according to them imperfect, deficient and improvable, they do with singular stubbornness strive to describe as legitimate, democratic and non-violent. Imperialism, fascism, and the monopoly of criminal Violence: constitutive of the foreign régime of military occupation that is subjugating our Country, have disappeared for them. Their reservations about the alleged “democratic deficit, the state of emergency, the violence in prisons and police stations, the Gal or the torture” do not alter their fundamental recognition, and are only a hypocritical way of complicity and recognition of the Spanish and French Fascism as democrachy. They have thereby renounced to all national Resistance of strategic level; and, from there, all their “opposition” is necessarily institutional within the institutions of imperialism.
Now then, apart from the radical ruin and impossibility that they have established for any democratic policy, once they have recognized fascist imperialism and totalitarianism as democracy, the fact is that there is no place for a strategy of opposition to the institutions of imperialism within those same institutions. The real constitution, the formal “Constitution”, and the “institutional path” do not only exclude the modification of the unitary character of the Spanish and French States. They do also exclude all national reality of the subjugated Peoples and any policy of redistribution or plurality of powers, as well as the national political Resistance and the right of self-determination of all Peoples; an international right recognized – not constituted – by the Charter and and countless Resolutions of the United Nations, but that “the Basque moderates and the radicals” Pnv-Eta have falsified and replaced by a “right to decide” that they hope will be acceptable and compatiblefor the foreign imperialistic régime of military occupation that subjugates our Country and that for them is legitimate and democratic.
The “process of peace and resolution of the [Basque] conflict through democratic means, without violence, by the voting, dialogue, persuasion” etc. is an attempt to conceal a reality that they do not know how deal with nor want to face. As indicated, its supporters have as their real aim to hide that they have no inkling of how to extricate this Country from the trap that they themselves have put it into, nor the slightest intention to try it. Closely dependent on the French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime in which they have settled themselves, they try to disguise their deep-seated determination not to move from the same place unless their sponsors of the real power kick and expel them out of it. When is considered the total emptiness, and the blatant destitution of the theoretical and practical “solutions” that they have been proposing for half a century, it becomes clear that only through the repression of all freedoms and the ruin of all strategic reality can such indigestible trickery be imposed upon a People.
This is how the Pnv-Eta conglomerate of unarmed and armed “Basque” institutionalists has enhanced the particular capacity of this Country not to learn about the world which it lives in, and its willingness never to reach its political crossroads and commitments with History. Under such conditions of fanaticism, ignorance and stubbornness imposed on our People by the liquidationist bureaucracies Pnv-Eta and itheir satellites, neither the contribution of coherent theoretical constructions nor the practical demonstration: provided to our Country by sectors that raised the democratic criticism of “the institutional path and the armed struggle”, did serve to establish in the popular forces rationality and the surmounting of these suicidal and absurd ways, which are the negation of any democratic policy and have served above all to hide and blind to this day the only viable anti-imperialistic strategy; constantly proposed by these sectors and constantly undermined by the liquidationist bureaucracies. Starting from there, the shapeless resistance and the sporadic semi-insurrectionary reflexes: characteristic of “the Basque opposition” for centuries, encountered the well-known limits of the spontaneity of the masses, when these ones reject or prove themselves to be incapable of surpassing that primary level of opposition and of creating secondary strategic structures, with the ideological-political qualification as a result.
“The institutional path” and its corollary and complement, “the armed struggle”, are not an error in the democratic policy of national liberation. They are the abandonment of the democratic policy of national liberation, since there is no policy without strategy, and these paths have none. They are the deception of our People, to achieve its insidious integration into the imperialistic policy of liquidation of the Basque People; and the deceptive ideological cover to achieve its political liquidation. They are the ruin of the very idea of national freedom and democracy, and the abandonment or falsification of the right of self-determination of Peoples, in order to adapt it to the régime that they define as democratic and non-violent at the same time. They are a death trap with no exit nor hope of finding it.
Along with “the full foral restoration” or “the inevitable negotiation”, to return once again to “the foral nation”, history repeats itself through the years and the centuries in continuous and accelerated race towards the abyss, while “the Basque political class” ignores – or deliberately hides from the People – that all this: according to the ideological forgery that gives cover to Spanish imperialism since 1839, is incompatible with the totalitarian States of Spain and of France, and with their imperialistic “constitutional unity”. Imperialistic States that are precisely based on the destruction of the constitutional freedoms of the Basque People’s State, the Kingdom of Nabarre, and of its national and international law; and on the denial of the Basque People and of its imprescriptible and indefeasible national and international right of self-determination or independence of all Peoples.
It is understandable that the discouragement can spread among the ranks of the Basque democratic opposition, at the sight of the huge task of lucidity, criticism and self-criticism imposed by the exposure and denunciation of this state of absolute degradation to which “the Basque political class” has led the policy of liberation of our Country.
In view of this there appears, on the one hand, the tendency to believe that our reality has not been properly “explained” to the imperialism; and that if it was done so, things would change. But “when the national struggle has the social base and the historical reality that occur in our People, only in the dominated Country there remain people in need of repeated and permanent demonstration. Only they can believe, under the effect of imperialistic propaganda, that the ruling classes ‘don’t understand’ the national reality of the Basque People. The facts do show that it is precisely the imperialism that knows best, even though it does not recognize, this reality; and the one which does respond, learn, adapt, diversify, innovate and transform itself accordingly. It is the dominated People that shows the effect of the punishment, and it does so also in the frequent feebleness of its leading cadres, undermined by material and ideological insecurity and by endless theoretical, ethical or aesthetic crisis. Hence their constant need of self-persuasion and justification; the search of an impossible imperialistic recognition, concealed behind the ‘demonstrative’ passion; and the defeatist conformism established behind the inert linkage to surmountable and surpassed objectives.” [See the article: ‘Neofascismo y manifestaciones de masas en Euzkadi’; 1975.]
And on the other, such insecurities and crisis – or perhaps dark sabotage – of some of those pretended and flimsy/corrupt leading cadres do nowadays even lead them to the contradiction-aporia of maintining that the attempt to carry out a global criticism of the establishedimperialistic / social-imperialistic / collaborationist complex established in our Country will be counterproductive for the dominated People, since the social-mental alienation induced in it by imperialism will make it incapable of understanding it. But this is tantamount to admitting that the theoretical-conceptual surmounting of imperialism is impossible, since if a definitive deepening in the anti-imperialistic democratic criticism – the only way to achieve that surmounting – is claimed to be an “inconvenient” form to do this, then only a partial or limited – that’s to say: incomplete – criticism is the appropiate form; which is absurd.
Thus, from the Spanish intra-totalitarian “transition”, we have had to endure almost five decades of ideological intoxication and indoctrination of masses carried out day by day under a continuous session – morning, afternoon and evening – by the fascist monopoly of the “State and autonomous” mass media; intoxication and indoctrination sustained by the Pnv-Eta bureaucracy and its satellites at the service of “the democratic régime that we have given ourselves between us all”, that is: the French-Spanish imperialistic régime that according to all of them is “non-violent, non-Nationalist, legitimate and democratic”, and of course contrary to the fundamental right of self-determination or independence of the Basque People; this on the one side. And in the face of all this, on the other side limitations and apprehensions arise among us when the matter comes to exposing and denouncing these facts in all their breadth (something that we are forced to do with very limited means and in an almost clandestine basis), because – as we are hypocritically told – “surely what we say will not be understood or it can be recovered by imperialism”; when these “apprehensive” agents are fully aware that our ideology is irrecuperable by imperialism and perfectly intelligible by our People.
In short, it is a question of making us admit either that we should remain tied hand and foot in the face of the reality of French-Spanish imperialism, or that we shoud defend ourselves from it and its local auiliary agents Pnv-Eta with one arm – or both – tied behind our backs and with our mouths closed. It is the manifestation of the deep imprint left by imperialism on purported “leaders”, defeatists and ideologically recuperated – they – and corrupted by it.
No one pretends that this task of denouncing and unmasking the neo-Francoist fascism in power be comfortable: it certainly has not been so for those of us who have assumed to undertake it. Yet, and in any case, the anti-imperialistic criticism and the corresponding mental liberation of those who are alienated by totalitarian propaganda admit of neither limitations nor mitigation. In order to achieve this purpose in oneself, everyone should take the resources that this contribution – or another one, should it exist – can offer him or her, according to their own needs and capacity; but the overall objective of critically demolishing imperialism must be projected in its entirety, or otherwise its overcoming cannot be complete. Leaving well established, of course, that the task of ideological-political criticism against French-Spanish imperialism can never quantitatively match – neither with this work nor with ten more like it – the flood of falsehoods, forgeries, mystifications, lies and brainwashing to which that imperialism has subdued this Country since the Spanish intra-totalitarian transition to “democratic fascism”, plotted in the pact of Munich (1962) with the support of the collaboration and betrayal of the indigenous bureaucracy Pnv-Anv.
The Basque People is perfectly capable of understanding the imperialistic tricks as well as the criticism that reveals them; it’s only that the armed and unarmed “Basque moderates and radicals” Pnv-Eta have preferred to leave our People ideologically defenceless under the fascist monopolies of criminal Violence and propaganda: of whose benefits they are participating, rather than endure the effects of an information that would show the absolute invalidity of their own alternative. The vast bureaucrtic conglomerate Pnv-Eta that leads in our Country “the institutional path and the armed struggle”, is collaborating for fifty years now with the French-Spanish régime of military occupation in order to preclude freedom of expression, which would highlight the true content of “the institutional path and the armed struggle”. The recognition of the “new” Spanish fascist régime and of its “non-violent democratic legitimacy” meant the consolidation of its monopoly of criminal Violence; which has resulted in fifty years (for now) of strategic defencelessness, and in the abandonment of the fundamentals and principles of the national freedom and human rights in general, with all its terrible and irreparable consequences.
With this régime the addicts of “the institutional path and/or the armed struggle” were and are going to resolve the “political conflict” (as they express themselves), through “persuasion, dialogue, negotiation, consultations, elections, the process of peace and self-determination in the absence of all violence” and other pieces of nonsense, which imply the denial of the existence of imperialism. It is the never seen before: the solution of the problem through the denial of the problem; the “naïve”, insane or hypocritical escape into a gratifying world of an imaginary beatitude where real imperialism and fascism do not exist, this is: a world where “all persons are good”. But, as it was already exposed, policy does not begin where freedom, dialogue and peace do begin; it begins where such things have ended or where they have never existed. It tries to answer to the problems that exist in the world which we live in, not to those that are supposed to exist in the limbo of the righteous, or of the fools, or of the lunatics.
Before the “international community”, the Basque People and “the de facto Government of Euzkadi” have lost all recognition. Since the strategic liquidation was institutionalized in this Country at the hands of the Pnv-Eta bureaucracy, the democratic unity was destroyed and the qualification of the political consciousness has collapsed. From the point of view of democratic ideology, all the efforts – non devoid of results – that had been undertaken in order to implement the theoretical principles, concepts and vocabulary in accordance with the consistent National Resistance against French-Spanish mperialism, were ruined so as to restore in their place the clichés, categories and terminology that the French-Spanish imperialistic domination had established in the occupied Territories of the Basqu People.
The Pnv bureaucracy and its satellites, including the Eta, use now the same terminology and the same ideological categories that the Parties and the Government of Spain. Notions and words such as “imperialism” and “independence” have deliberately been evacuated by the propaganda of “the moderate and the radical abertzale”, and replaced by others that are more suitable to reinterpret, adapt and counterfeit the right of self-determination or independence of all Peoples. In fact, the very word “imperialism” disappeared from their propaganda since an immemorial time, replaced by “jacobinism”, “centralism”, “unionism” – when there never was here a “United Kingdom” – and even “nabarrism”; and, similarly, the term “pacification”: of sinister resonances, has replaced the concept of national liberation in their “plans to resolve the Basque conflict”.
Under the protection of the fascist monopoly of misinformation from which they benefit, the unarmed and armed Pnv-Eta institutionalists: the former since always and the latter since 1979, have sacrificed the anti-imperialistic struggle to a reactionary ideology according to which democracy and democratic policy are based on the fascists “elections and institutions”:in which so actively they do participate, imposed by the French-Spanish power criminally established over our Country by means of military occupation. They have in addition showed themselves exceptionally gifted to “lose” elections in all areas and also to ruin their own autonomic “majority”, up to the point of turning the broad political and sociological majority of our Country: which rejects the French-Spanish imperialistic Nationalism and its fascist régime of military occupation, into an institutional minority; and their simple incompetence, into a qualified ridicule.
Even so, the French-Spanish Nationalist, imperialistic and fascist régime does now face the relative failure of its “democratic and autonomous” farce and trap in order to liquidate the National Resistance of the Basque People; and that’s why it only relies on the advantages of the full exploitation of its monopoly of criminal Violence for to destroy democracy, freedom, fundamental human rights, and above all the right of self-determination or independence of all Peoples: first of fundamental human rights and prior condition of them all. It is its constitutive goal of always. Its indigenous auxiliaries Pnv-Eta – and their satellites and subsidiarty associations – can no longer hide the fact that the naïve or unwary victims of their institutionalist propaganda are a minority that does incessantly shrink. Their continuous efforts to hide this reality do not manage to disguise that, in the conditions of political and ideological repression of the monopolies of criminal Violence and propaganda of the Second Francoism, even surrounded, persecuted and abandoned to its own forces by the betrayal of these Pnv-Eta responsible agents of “the institutional path and the armed struggle”, the civil Resistance to “participate in the elections to the – French-Spanish – fascist institutions”: widely majority even according to the own official data, does increasingly surpass the “legalistic and electoralist” gullibility and illusions.
The supporters of the political abstention and boycott against the French-Spanish imperialistic régime are a large majority of the social base of the Basque People under the foreign military occupation; a majority that rejects spontaneously and more and more openly – in addition to imperialism as a whole – the march to disaster led by these Pnv-Eta promoters of “the institutional path and armed struggle”.
All this being evident to any patriot, in theory there was no need to recall it neither before or after the Spanish intra-totalitarian “transition”. Even so, this was exposed in texts that the armed and unarmed “Basque” institutionalists, placed at the service of the censorship and propaganda of Spanish imperialism, did by all means sabotage and prevent to disseminate; in particular, the call addressed to the Basque Peopleto disrupt with its boycott the Spanish “general elections” of June 15, 1977, with which the Spanish fascist régime intended to “legitimize” the passage to the Second Francoism admitted as “democracy”:
“All refusal, spontaneous or individual though it may be, to collaborate in a public display that tends to make the popular forces of Euzkadi the laughing stock in peninsular policy, is an attitude of elementary national decorum, precondition of all democratic policy. The abstention, natural and immediate resource of the oppressed Peoples against the totalitarian conditioning, recovers here all its sense. It’s because of it all that, in the present social circumstances, in the present political situation, there cannot be another effective and democratic way to take advantage of the ‘universal suffrage’ by the workers and the People of Euzkadi than the boycott to the elections.”
However, the “Basque radicals” of the Eta group and their followers, who even in 1979 did still affirm “abstention is the best fighting stance” and “it is thus clear that our stance is totally opposed to participation either in general elections or in the product thereof, that’s to say: the rules and institutions that arise from them; moreover, we think that such a political practice must be openly denounced, and that we must accuse the leaders and Parties that support it as deceivers of the People and traitors to the [Basque] cause”, did finally conclude affirming, at the same time, that “the best way to abstain was to participate”, and that “we have declared a hot war on abstention” etc., so as to “justify” their own betrayal and integration into the Spanish transitive fascist régime, accepted by them as democratic from the “general elections” of March 1, 1979 to the present day.
Although a prior warning was not required, as we have indicated, we nevertheless did it; but it was useless for us to warn them about what was at stake, in order to prevent them from taking the step of recognizing as democratic the Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime, as they did. Faced with this situation, we published in February 1979 a new text, homonymous of the previous one, with which we begun the series of Iparla Publications. (‘Otra vez “elecciones generales”; Iparla núm. 1, Febrero-1979’.)
From there, those who until 1979 denounced the participation in the elections and institutions organized by the Second Francoism and their international sponsors as “deception and betrayal to the People”, have accredited and supported those institutions with their votes and participation: made up of deception and betrayal for almost half a century now; and they have endorsed them as democratic whilst they have been allowed to vote and participate in them.
The armed and unarmed indigenous institutionalists Pnv-Eta do complain of the “democratic deficit” of the established régime, and do helplessly and impassively watch the ruin of their hopes and “democratic achievements”, in the hope that they will thus recover the favours of their endearing allies. Those who always say they are “absolutely convinced” of the imminent success of their delirious projects and of all nonsense that they repeat relentlessly by the monopolies of ideological intoxication and of stultification of masses, do keep themselves silent, disappear or change the topic for a few days when the most notorious, predictable and predicted reality highlights the folly of those projects, and the ridicule of their authors and also of the Country that they unfortunately claim to be officially representing. And they continue to affirm the non-violent, legitimate and democratic characteristics of the real fascist power; even when their “electoral victories and the inevitable negotiation” do not prevent that real power from manifesting itself nevertheless as the harsh reality that it is, and that the Spanish People, Fascism and imperialistic Nationalism want to impose and do impose.
The exceptional ability of the Pnv-Eta institutionalist “pedagogues” and demagogues: both armed and unarmed, to invent and accumulate formal nonsense, does always favour ideologically Imperialism and Fascism. Despite all this, such falsehoods persist in the propaganda of a policy that is currently based on “the institutional path”, that is: on voluntary political participation within the French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime of military occupation that they admit as “democracy”.
A propaganda that these Pnv-Eta demagogues address, on the one hand, to their unwary and gullible followers who believeanything and who, for two centuries, continue to wait – as if the Wars of Independence of the nineteenth century had not existed and had not been lost – in the full foral restoration of the historical rights, or in what they call “the Foral Nation”; all this under the Spanish imperialistic and colonialist régime – a democratic one according to them – that denies the existence of all this. And, on the other, to a wide clientele of auxiliary “social” organizations: phoneys, swindlers and fraudsters who offer the people purported “cultural and political” services that they are unable to perform, and who profit therewith by the forced contribution and gifts from the candid chicks previously conditioned by the monopolies of State Terrorism and propaganda.
Completely lacking any capacity for political response (as well as any individual or collective dignity, which would jeopardize their miserable privileges), they are no longer capable of showing the simplest reflex of Resistance that implies a strategic stand-up in the face of the scorn and humiliations that this Country does constantly receive from the French-Spanish imperialism, with the unfailing support of “the Basque moderates and the radicals” Pnv-Eta and their satellites. They think that they will tame the beast in this way; but the own submission and humiliation do only have the effect of exciting and increasing the contempt, irritation, impatience and xenophobic fury of the Spanish and French imperialistic Nationalism.
All political revolution and change imply a shift of the political power and the social relations that it determines. When the monopoly of criminal Violence remains intact in the same hands as before (with as much collateral variations as we want), this indicates that there is no change nor revolution but functional farce at the service of the established imperialistic régime. The spontaneous and clandestine, active and passive Resistance, is a natural, instinctive and immediate resource of oppressed Peoples against imperialism and fascism.
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