Strengthening of the Second Francoism by the Spanish National-socialists of Falange-PsoE

(Text initially published on October-2019, the 30th.)

Strengthening of the Second Francoism by the Spanish National-socialists of Falange-PsoE

 

“Whatever is under the earth, Time will bring to light.” (Quintus Horatius; Epistles.)

“Till then sit still, my soul: foul deeds will rise, / Though all the earth overwhelm them, to men’s eyes.” (W. Shakespeare; Hamlet.)

The shameless and obscene exhibition of the Francoist régime: carried out this past Thursday, October the 24^th by the Spanish National-socialist Government of Falange-PsoE through the media monopoly of mass indoctrination and ideological intoxication, and with maximum coverage and exquisite treatment towards all its demonstrations and demonstrators on the occasion of the relocation of its founder’s mummy, has been the opportunity not only for a further humiliation towards its countless victims but also for a new turn of the screw in the objective of fundamental distortion/falsification: historical, ideological and political, in which the current régime of the Second Francoism has been founded for forty-two years now. (The role of the PsoE in that operation was already noted in the text that on 7-December-2018 we published on this page under the title: ‘Cometido del Nacional-socialismo español de Falange-PsoE en la transición intra-totalitaria española al Segundo Franquismo’ [“Role of the Spanish National-socialism of Falange-PsoE in the intra-totalitarian transition from the First Francoism to the Second one”], to which we refer the reader concerned about it.)

In the face of this new media campaign of brainwashing and stultification of masses, it is necessary to break: even if only individually, the established monopoly of forgery and lies, of an overwhelming, brutalizing and counterfeiter monologue that, from the mass-media, does unanimously and in a non-stop session reproduce the fascist unique thought, by spreading against it our essential and yet unknown texts that will not be permanently silenced. We offer the reader the text ‘Consolidation of Francoism: the Spanish intra-totalitarian transition’:

“The ‘transition to the democracy’: which the French carried out by ‘the Storming of the Bastille and the Great Revolution’, and the Spaniards did by a decree of Arias Navarro – ‘the Butcher of Malaga’ – and the ‘constitutional pact’ that ensued, is the beginning of a story that has so many principles and so many petitions of principle (petitio principii) as the dominant ideology does need. At all events, the ‘transition to democracy’ does not cancel, obviously, the despotic history that precedes, founds and constitutes it: which cannot be comfortably evacuated and emptied as its current heirs would like to do.

“When in 1977 the remainders of the ancient Spanish opposition did – unreservedly this time – surrender to ‘the Nationals’, joining next the organization and functions of the ‘new transitive régime’ – of the same Francoism – that had finished with them, the class struggle had already ended in Spain. This official and effective ending of the class struggle in Spain: accepted by the Spanish National-communists and National-socialists, was the negative condition for the incorporation of that ‘opposition’ to the Spanish Fascism. In return, their ‘national reconciliation’, and the support of the vanquished to the sacred Union of the Spanish imperialistic Nationalism of the victors in the international class struggle against the subjugated Peoples; to the common opposition of all the National-imperialists against the movement of Peoples’ liberation; and to the incurable contradiction between the imperialistic and fascist ‘juridical-political order’, on the one hand, and – on the other – the democratic right of self-determination of the subjugated Peoples and States: Basques and Catalans amongst others, were the positive condition. Similarly, as it has occurred in other places, the recuperation of the Spanish National-communists and National-socialists by the Francoism, and their conversion into pure and simple monarchical and Francoist Nationalists, was carried out quickly, without difficulties, and to everybody’s satisfaction.

“As indicated, in spite of the phantasmagoria of an exiled Spanish republican bureaucracy: politically autistic and incapable, the political evolution in post-war Spain had finally revealed not the collapse of the fascism in power – that this bureaucracy had been trumpeting – but that of the opposition of the defeated side. This evolution had had, as its foundation: profound modifications in the conflicting structures of the social system; the constant shifting of the rapport of forces in favour of the holders of power; the regression, submission, liquidation or extinction of the Spanish opposition; and the recognition and approval of the fascist régime by the ‘great’ Powers: formerly divided and finally gathered in their interest in stabilizing, strengthening and ‘legitimizing’ the historical achievements and the institutions of the Francoism in Spain and its Colonies.

“After the end of the War of fascist aggression in 1936-9, and once the military defeat had been assumed by the vanquished, the strategic accumulation of forces in order to achieve a common anti-Francoist front had proved impossible. Being the unitary Nationalist idea that of Spain had the Francoist régime also the same and own one of the purported Spanish anti-Francoists, the residues of the Spanish opposition, accordingly, were always opposed to any territorial redistribution of the political power in favour of the Nations dominated by the Spanish imperialistic Nationalism, rejecting therefore the Basques’ and Catalans’ aspirations of independence; what led to once again subordinate the action against fascism to the absolute maintenance of the unitary structure of the Spanish State. Finally the Spanish Army: real political ‘class’ and backbone of Spain since the crisis of the monarchist despotism and the terrorist reaction against the French Revolution (which soon afterwards it had imitated), did operate its own decisive reform, namely: the ‘Transition’, while keeping its own dictatorship. It was the intra-totalitarian transition from the First Francoism to the currently reigning Second one that brought the ‘democracy’, that is: the self-reformation and consolidation of the Francoism under the protectorate of the hegemonic Powers – members of the international imperialistic and terrorist domination system – and of their satellites.

“According to the monopoly of propaganda, this Spanish ‘agreed transition’ meant a ‘clean slate, page break, tabula rasa, zero point of the political process’; but all of this starting from the maintenance of the intangible and immovable foundations of the despotic-oriental, absolutist or fascist imperialistic State. Which the ‘transition’ actually meant was the preservation of the foundations of the political régime, giving appearances of electoral and parliamentary democracy to the continuity of the dictatorship under formal innovations; with the recognition, approval and participation of the Western Powers. The result is this political shame or shamelessness: the only régime instituted by the Nazi Axis which subsists in the Europe of the ‘human dimension’, which pretends to be example and model of democracy all around the world, with the obscene recognition – already during General Franco’s own personal dictatorship – and the support of the ‘Western Democracies’ and the ‘European Union’.

“In this way, by virtue of ‘the pact that we’ve given us all’, that is to say: the ‘pact’ that the Francoists were imposing for the rest to suffer, the imperialism and the fascism did keep intact the domination, plundering and robbery established over centuries of violence, war and conquest; and the defeated, oppressed and dispossessed did also keep their status as such. It was the ‘reconciliation’ with the imperialism and fascism. ‘Consensus, elections and constitutional assemblies’ were mechanisms aimed to widen the base and the clientele of the new formal ‘Constitution’ and the real constitution of always: based on historical aggression, war and imprescriptible crimes carried out through centuries against the Basque People and its State, the Kingdom of Nabarre; while the traditional ‘bi-partisanship’ to Spanish style restored the ‘alternation’ in the access to the management, the sinecures and connections, the administrative benefits and privileges.

“Starting on from there, the national reconciliation between ‘republican, communist, socialist’ and Francoist Spaniards was carried out smoothly through the declared ‘conclusion’ of the internal class struggle, along with the Sacred Union in the external class struggle against the subjugated Peoples and States, and through the incorporation of the Nationalism of the vanquished to the Nationalism of the victors. The conservation of their colonial heritage, and the sharing in shifts of the benefits and the administrative and repressive tasks resulting from its maintenance, this is: the management of their historical colonialist and imperialistic enterprise, along with the correlative exacerbation of the international class struggle and the xenophobic and racist hatred against the subjugated Peoples, were – and they still remain – the cornerstone of the advocated incorporation and ‘historical synthesis of the opponents’ (Carrillo), and they did allow to consolidate the Spanish Nationalist domination upon the subjugated Peoples and States, which the new fascist War of 1936 and the subsequent counter-revolution had re-established. The Pact of Munich (1962) had been the staging of that collusion of Spanish Nationalist reconciliation and synthesis, on the basis of keeping the unitarian and fascist State against the subjugated Peoples and States of Basques and Catalans. This was made possible counting on the purchased, vile and always denied betrayal that the bureaucrats of the ‘basque nationalist’ Party (Pnv) carried out behind the Basque People’s back; which would eventually be revealed in their support to the intra-totalitarian transition of 1977 that two years later was also joined by the Eta bureaucracy: thus locking the Basque People in the trap in which these shameless unscrupulous and/or cretins-lunatics have it tucked in from then until today.

“The intra-totalitarian transition was aimed at the conservation of the imperialistic Spanish unitary State, and – above all – at the maintenance of the control and stability of the political order and of its monopoly of violence and terror: established as a result of all the wars of aggression and conquest carried out against the Basque People. From one Francoism to the other, the project of reform, adaptation and modernization of the Spanish Fascist régime – a consequence of the arrangement of the Francoist avant-garde with the Western Powers – was prepared and implemented by General Franco’s Government and his military structure, and by the financial, National-imperialistic and clerical oligarchy that sustained him. It was imposed under the Francoist monopoly of violence, terror and propaganda for the purpose to preserve the régime’s structures of power, and to keep the achievements and institutions of the fascism in Spain and its Colonies. It was designed, supported and financed: by the decision and under surveillance and with ‘technical’ assistance from the CIA and FBI, to make the selection and promotion of the conservative Parties, thus blocking the path to all democratic political or ideological forces. The political and financial guarantee of the operation was in charge of the Secret Services – American, British, German, Israeli and Vatican – of propaganda, espionage, repression, subversion and terrorism, of corruption and ‘technical’ assistance, along with the auxiliary services of Parties, Trade-Unions, Foundations, financial and multinational Companies, ‘scientific and cultural’ Publications, ‘humanitarian’ NGOs, secular Clergy and ecclesiastical Orders, and the other institutional – legal or illegal – satellites dependent on them.

“All Parties and Trade-Unions of the official ‘opposition’ to the renewed Francoism: chosen to ensure the continuity of the Francoism in Spain and its Colonies, were created, selected, designed, financed, recuperated, promoted and equipped with massive financial and ideological contribution of millions of dollars from the hegemonic Power and its satellites and dependencies, and they are integral parts of their domination system. All of them did find their place according to the transitive script and organigram produced by the true political-administrative architect of our time: the Francoist and Western Governments and Secret Services. The thick filters of the CIA and FBI were not an obstacle for the recuperation of the Republican Parties’ signs and spoils – gone over to ‘the Nationals’ – that might serve to hide the trickery.

“In practice, without the confidence of the CIA and its allies and satellites (and of the Spanish Government itself, which did administratively decide as a last resort), recognition or tolerance were closed to any political group. The ‘republicans’ and the PsoE of the exile had disappeared from the political opposition on the ground. And the other groups were discarded when the Western Governments, Secret Services and Foundations focused their exclusive and excluding economic and political support in producing and securing a new transitive Party: the current Falange-PsoE emerged from the Congress of Suresnes in 1974, as a complement of the traditional Francoist Party. Thus, there was sacrificed all the opposition that had been really active against Francoism: which, by itself, turned it suspicious in the eyes of those Agents of the ‘controlled change’.

“The key question: ‘knowing who is in charge here’, offered no doubt to anyone. All individual or collective applicant knew that he should pass under the Caudine Forks of the Spanish Army, and knew very well that the first exigency and absolute condition of that Army was not the marginalization of the national Communists but the guarantee and improvement of the unitary status of the Spanish Empire. The slightest deviation in the field of the ruling Nationalism would meet the immediate reaction of the armed forces; and the simple suspicion or distrust from them would be the end – at least political, whether individual or collective – of those responsible or irresponsible agents involved. By means of that absolute exigency was also reinforced and comforted the whole of the sectors and interests that supported the Francoist régime, because, as it occurs in other totalitarian systems, the national oppression – in our case against the Basque and Catalan Peoples – was and continues to be the weakest point of the strategic apparatus of imperialistic and fascist domination; however, as it has been already exposed, it was the case that its own Nationalism prevented the Spanish ‘opposition’ from using that weakness to fight the fascism. (In any case, between the ‘transition’ in 1977 and the endo-military putsch of the year 1981, there disappeared the last fears, in this regard, on the part of a military-political class that could no longer rise up against anybody and take to power because it had already done it many years earlier and it was in power ever since.)

“With the collapse, submission and disappearance of the former opposition, the Spanish ‘republicans, anarchists, National-socialists and National-communists’ did hastily waive to ‘the democratic revolution’ and to ‘the provisional régime without a defined institutional sign’ (which so ardently had they maintained it as a decoy until they got that the Pnv conspirator bureaucracy would accept to liquidate the Basque Government in the exile), and did abruptly swear allegiance without reservation to the Praetorian Monarchy established by General Franco; thus becoming architects of the national reconciliation, and guarantee of the constitutional order and of the Empire unity. ‘There are no longer Reds left: they all have passed to the Nationals.’ They obtained in return rehabilitation, recognition and rewarding insertion into the auxiliary bodies of management, propaganda and recuperation of a ‘new’ régime whose adaptation had become as possible as necessary; all the more necessary insofar as, of the damned red-separatists, there still remained the damned separatists. All of it had been bound and guaranteed by the preservation of the political régime foundations under the formal innovations, and – first and foremost – of the monopoly of social violence, established as a result of the war and never put in question afterward.

“In these circumstances, the remains of the clandestinity and the exile: terrified by gloomy anticipations of loneliness and isolation, abandoned by their presumed allies, emptied from their original base, renewed and framed by successive contributions and transfusions of the Francoist Party of the National Movement, gave their simple and qualified recognition to the régime which had defeated them and that they already could not reject or modify in its substance. Finally those ‘revolutionaries’, the same as all the ‘Socialists and Communists’ from the East and West, gave up officially being so in order to become in this case – as almost all of the ancient ‘republicans’ – monarchical loyalists and bourgeois reformists; but they still continue being the totalitarian Nationalists that they have always been. They could thus continue persecuting the free persons and Peoples as they have always done, which is the only thing they can do.

“The transitive Francoism did legalize the Pnv and the Spanish communist Party (PcE) for marginal jobs, but it did not do the same with the squalid remnants of the PsoE: Franco’s Government acquired them at a knockdown price (as well as the Monarchy), and it did next exclude its historical bureaucracy. Once the objective had been established, the CIA and other Western ‘Services’ and Governments: which mistrusted even that bureaucracy of the exile, were the agents that directed and financed which was called ‘the unfortunate split’ of Suresnes, where the Falangists did exclude the official PsoE bureaucracy and directly took control. The ‘new’ Falange-PsoE does not already take the trouble to hide – behind rhetoric in which even their spokesmen do not believe – the ideology and objectives of a pure and downright Nationalism. Nothing is going to be changed by National-Socialists or Social-Imperialists, who have replaced the class struggle by fascism: the Marxist rhetoric and the citations of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Iglesias (senior) have long ago given way to those of Primo de Rivera (junior).

“Once the internal class struggle had been abolished by the renovators of the Francoism, the former ‘National Trade-unionist revolution’ is the current National-socialist involution of Falange/PsoE. In fact, the current PsoE is a potpourri of the ‘Traditionalist Spanish Falange and of the Boards of National Trade-Unionist Offensive’ (FET-JONS) with sundry dyes, designed and cooked by the CIA as the official ‘opposition’ incorporated into the traditional Francoist Party. Thus the Spanish Falange (‘by God, the Homeland and the King; by God, Spain and Franco’) fulfilled its ‘historical mission in the universal’ by colonizing and replacing the bureaucratic and squalid remains of the PsoE.

“The PcE had no need of being colonized and it joined itself the new transitive Francoism: its bureaucrats and intellectuals did pass under the exigencies of Madrid and Washington, and obtained the blessing and approval of the bourgeoisie, the capitalism and the Francoism in power. As for the anarcho-syndicalist revisionists, they began to discover and affirm that, after all, nothing important did separate them from the ‘vertical Trade-unions’ of Francoism.

“Therefore, the change in the treatment of the opposition by the established power has been total: the primitive despotism and imperialism did impose their political power by repressing the opposition of the heroic times of Liberalism, Socialism and National Liberation Movements. Whereas, the current fascism and imperialism do produce their ‘opposition’: do invent, reinvent, recuperate, incorporate, condition, provoke, corrupt, finance, inform, encourage, organize, feed and direct it as there suit their own domination and repression against the Peoples; which allows to undermine any eventual excesses of that ‘opposition’, reduced to an infra-strategic level. The Parties and Trade-Unions of the official Spanish ‘opposition’ to the established Francoist power are products, imitations, forgeries and puppets of the Secret Services of ideological intoxication and espionage of the imperialism and fascism, and they are designed for the repression against the subjugated Peoples. Their ‘strategy’ is actually dictated: directly or immediately, by the established power. Subsidies and donations ensure their dependence on financial assistance without which they cannot survive.

“The Army of the Second Francoism abandoned much ballast in matters of faith and customs, sexual repression and clerical moralism, so as to adopt more effective and modern weapons of ideological domination; but its Nationalism has made but concentrate and harden, because of its being reduced to the custody of the nearby remainders of a formerly immense colonial Empire: acquired and preserved by means of violence and terror, and lost because of the systematic destruction of productive forces, the resistance of the Peoples, and the emergence of new commercial and industrial Powers.

“Without armed forces, the imperialism is devoid of a political movement. It is its specific violence: which is the very nature of the armed forces, and not the statements and inaugurations of its “political” bureaucracies, which constitutes the reality of the political movement of imperialism. They are the Army, the Civil Guard, and the Compagnies Républicaines de Sécurité – the military arm of the Spanish and French National-Socialism – its revolutionary violence.

“With the ‘transition’, the internalization of the political externalities was also quickly achieved, that’s to say: those who were outside did find themselves placed inside; and the applicants for decentralization, more centralized than before. The agents of the imperialistic and fascist Spanish Nationalism do now seek to appear as ‘non-violent democrats’; but they are the same fascists of ever, more dangerous still than before. They are transvestite Francoists and Falangists, which retain the power that they already had at the reasonable price of a changing of name approved by themselves and by their international partners. Opus-Deists, technocrats and the other ‘organic (Francoist) democrats’: the real base of the Spanish Christian Democracy, did prepare the logistics of the conversion and the general regroupement of the continental reaction and fascism.

“The whole world supported or accepted an operation that the incapability, the reality or unreality of the Spanish opposition presented as the only possible and desirable one. The field was left open for the great manoeuvers of reform and consolidation of the military dictatorship. There were made possible, in this way, the adaptation to the new general conditions, the incorporation of new techniques of social repression, conditioning and integration, the dosage of ‘democracy’, and the improvement of the methods of the great social crises: whether warlike or revolutionary, long since absent in Western world as a whole.

“General Franco’s régime performed in this way its ‘democratic transition’. Rehabilitated, legitimated, confirmed, recognized and strengthened, it did achieve its definitive victory without solution of continuity, without even touching its class structure nor its real political ‘class’: the military forces, bureaucracy and administrative services, all of them populated with democrats of always or miraculously converted to democracy from overnight. For getting to that point, the Spanish ‘opposition’ and its peripheral puppets could have spared – and could have allowed us to spare – the Dictatorship of 1923, the Republic, the war of 1936 and the Francoist post-war; and despite all that, the democracy could not be worse now than it is.

“Its miraculous transfiguration transformed it into the envied model – always imitated but never equalled – by all the dictatorships in the world; and into the paragon, inspiration and reference of the new Europe. A single political Party of real opposition: bearer of democratic criticism, denunciation and exigency, would have been enough then to bring out the fallacy and the true nature of the operation, thus offering the first condition for turning the crisis of the Francoism into democratic revolution. But there was no such a Party, and its social base even less. Selection, co-option and promotion of the conservative parties had blocked the way to all democratic political or ideological forces. The Unique Nationalist Party and sham bi-partisanship ensured the sham alternation and the corruption in the service of real power. Thus the Francoist régime got to renew itself through a farce-transition. ‘China is not more democratic but it keeps the rule of law to a greater extent than Russia, because it exercises the alternation in power, though limited. The pacts of the Spanish transition gave the Francoist élite guarantees that they would not be crushed.’ (M. Khodorkovsky, 2014.) In fact they gave it guarantees that it could continue to crush the subjugated Peoples with impunity, as it has continued to do ‘democratically’ up to this day, thanks to the ideological-political coverage provided since 1977 also by the indigenous Collaborationists and Accomplices: members of the liquidationist bureaucracy that, from the official Pnv to the Eta along with all their multi-onomastic formal splits, do participate in the farce of the ‘transition’ and in all the corruption which it consists of.

“The ‘bi-partisanship’ and the Party ‘alternation’: traditional model of the ‘democracy in the Spanish style’, are an old trick long held by the Spanish Bourbon Monarchy in its successive Restorations, which ensured the corruption in the service of the real power. In these circumstances, the ‘conflicts between Parties’ are reduced to the sharing of the privileges and benefits – legal and illegal – provided by the auxiliary services of the real political power. These political Parties are ‘organizations that deal but with job hunting, and that modify their particular program depending on the votes to be captured. In Spain, at least until these recent years [1919], the two big ‘parties’ are succeeding to each other in the power according to the principle of a consented alternation, under cover of elections ‘prefabricated’ from on high, so as to allow the partisans of these two formations to profit the advantages afforded by the administrative jobs. In the former Spanish Colonies, the so-called ‘elections’ and the so-called ‘revolutions’ have no other objective than the seizing the dish of butter in which they expect to find their livelihoods’. With one proviso: all these organizations are naturally and sincerely Nationalists, their support to the imperialism and colonialism does never fail. It is in the indigenous institutionalist organizations, armed and disarmed, where the collaborationism, complicity and betrayal are mingled with bureaucratic and corporate corruption in the hunt to the political-administrative connections.

“The Spanish Unique Nationalist Party of today is the National Movement in its traditional Francoist version: Falangist and National Trade-unionist before, National-socialist now. Functionally organized after the manner of that traditional system in the Spanish monarchical restorations, the actual “bi-partisanship” Pp-PsoE is a functional avatar of the Francoist Party, which is the only existing one. Incidentally, it ensures the orderly distribution of the perks, connections and administratively organized corruption. The family continuity, the filiation and kinship, and the patrimonial/matrimonial, clerical and corporate linkages, do reveal that their present figureheads: appointed and educated in the Francoist seraglio, have inherited individually and collectively the positions and functions of their parents, relatives and cronies: career Officers, Falangists, Cardinals, Bishops, Opus-Deists and others of that ilk. After each today’s Spanish ‘traditional or national-socialist democrat’ does lurk, individually and collectively, a Francoist ‘of before’. The popular Party (Pp) and the PsoE are the two faces and the two branches of the Spanish fascist and terrorist Nationalist Party. The profound identity of Spanish Nationalism, both in its Traditional and National-socialist sides, has been exposed by the supreme revealer: the continuity of the spontaneous opposition and resistance of the Basque People. The deep identity of the French Nationalist Party: absolutely fixed from the French Nationalist and Terrorist Revolution, has not even needed any revealer. (The magnified farce that there stage the puppet groups of extreme Right-wing, both in Spain and France, merely accomplish the function of accrediting and approving by reference the purported ‘democratic’ character of the criminal and fascist Right of always, that is the sole existing one.)

“The Spanish ‘opposition’ had disappeared, and its remainders – which did not demand or expect anything else – changed their jacket and were recuperated without difficulty: they were incorporated, confirmed or replaced by the agents and leaders of the traditional Francoism, in order to revoke the facade of the new political order. Just as it had occurred a hundred years earlier with the Restoration (1876), this Second Bourbon Restoration and the Spanish national reconciliation revealed the failure, the submission and the corruption of the defeated, who turned for mercy to the generous discretion of the victors in return for accepting and legitimizing the established order. They thus received the approval of the ‘great’ Powers and participated in the ‘alternation’ in search for and enjoyment of the administrative privileges, according to the traditional model of the royalist Restoration: the ‘shiftism’ [turnismo], aimed at the orderly distribution and enjoyment of the structural corruption.

“However, that formal distinction between Spanish ‘winners and vanquished’ could not hide the deep Nationalist identity between them. The true political Parties are characterized or identified by their ideological and political entity, not by formal, corporate, personal or instrumental ‘differences’. Actually, in the present as in the preceding Restoration, there are not really true Spanish Parties: there is a Spanish Unique Nationalist Party – made up of diverse subsidiaries – which is the facade, the ‘civil’ arm and instrument of the Spanish Army: real protagonist and true and permanent political class of the Spanish political history since the crisis of the Spanish oriental despotism originated by the French invasion-revolution. All those subsidiaries compete with the traditional Francoism to reach its trust and benevolence: it is the consequence of the political and moral degeneration, of the opportunism, collaboration and complicity under a régime of military occupation.

“The current Spanish National Movement: its Unique Nationalist Party, has been enriched, diversified and ideologically enhanced with multiple additions and contributions. Its objective is not the opposition to the Francoism but its development, in order to end with the resistance of the subjugated Peoples. There is no official or informal political organization in the Second Francoism that has not been built, financed, approved, accepted, tolerated, assimilated and manipulated by the real power: all of it insofar as it gave its adherence to, and took as its own ones, the principles and legal and ideological conditions of the régime established by the Francoist structure of power. The others were immediately or progressively excluded, persecuted and outlawed if they were an obstacle or were not already useful for the Second Francoism: consolidated and increasingly demanding as a result of the collapse of the opposition to the Spanish Fascism and Imperialism.

“The protagonists of the First Francoism were cynical fascists and criminals, without complexes and unashamed of being so. No Criminal Court has ever prosecuted them. However, during the transition from the First to the Second Francoism, the need for counting on the collaboration and complicity of those who had been defeated did advise in favour of concessions and compensations. Those circumstances forced the winners to moderate or conceal expressions that did reveal more than they wanted to say: ‘In Catalonia and the Basque Country some form of political decision will be necessary to avoid the current absolute lack of connection between the reality that exists there, and the utopian official version.’ (J. M. de Areilza.) Consequently, the transitive régime strove then to obtain the institutional participation and recognition of its peripheral Collaborationists and Accomplices: armed and unarmed, of the liquidationist Pnv-Eta bureaucracies.

“The sociological reality ‘that exists there’ has not substantially changed since then; yet, forty years later, once they have got strengthened, encouraged and enhanced by the stupidity, corruption, collaboration, complicity and betrayal of those local fellow travellers, the Francoists: both traditional and National-socialists, do already consider it finished the intra-totalitarian transition, jettison their insufferable puppets, destroy the formal remains of national identity of the subjugated Peoples, and renew the orgiastic triumphant euphoria of the first Falange in the occupied Territories of those Peoples and States. It’s clear that the centennial Spanish effort to ensure that ‘the reality that exists there’ gets finally identified with the aspirations of its totalitarian Nationalism is today at least as present as ever before.

“However, the ideological and political totalitarianism does necessarily produce a generalized under-development, paralysis and reaction. Where the freedom of thought, criticism and communication does not exist for the political issues, it cannot be developed for the whole of the economic or cultural production either. Consubstantial with all tyranny: from Asiatic despotism up to modern totalitarianism, the diverse procedures and mechanisms of repression, censorship, submission, obscurantism, dirigisme, academism, formalism, intellectual imposture, fraud and falsification in general, do block the way to the creation, evolution and diffusion of progressive ideas. General underdevelopment entails, in its turn, ideological and political reaction.

“General Franco: the criminal, cruel, bloody and vengeful tyrant, did effectively correspond to the conditions of the Spanish People after the victory of the international Fascism, and to the need to block the way for all economic and cultural capacity and for all critical and creative force capable of generating political and ideological resistances: mainly in the Peoples and States subjugated by the Spanish imperialism. Without which his régime: established through a military victory with the decisive help of the Axis Powers, would not have been able to remain, last and adapt itself, as it has done, once the winning Allies took over from the defeated and ‘enemy Nations’. However, the Allies: in view of the social-political Spanish reality, decided to keep it; thus betraying all the principles that they had put forward to justify the war and the victory against German-Italian Nazi-Fascism. The Francoism has never been defeated by nobody; the Francoist régime has never undergone collapse or demolition, breakdown, replacement or succession. Francoism is not a thing of the past: it is the past and present foundation of the Spanish State. It is now when it demonstrates and exploits all its prospects and possibilities, long time under-estimated.

“Franco was not, strictly speaking, a fascist. His vision and his political culture did reduce the society and the State to an extension of the military organization and barrack life; to a cultural level of a (civil) guard post. Yet, General Franco is the true father of modern Spain. His régime of terror and extermination has fundamentally changed the social and political conditions and the rapport of forces in Spain and its Colonies, making it possible the Second Francoism, which lasts already longer than the First one.

“During the War and the First Francoism there were not belligerents, nor insurgents, and strictly speaking there was not even war: the enemies of the insurgent new ‘Totalitarian State in the service of the Fatherland’ were described as communists, anarchists, atheists, without-God, jews, freemasons, and red-separatists or just plain separatists, which were the worst of all: ‘It is true that there also were the anarchists and the communists; but the enemy, the true enemy, was the Basque’. (J. L. de Vilallonga.) It was the absolute conflict with the absolute enemy in an absolute war.

“In contrast, after the intra-totalitarian transition, the Second Francoism of the fascists of always has sorted, on one side, themselves: the righteous, the decent and good people; that is, the non-violent democrats. And, on the other, the violent terrorists and fascists, who are qualified now – replacing the political insults by the ‘common’ ones – as ‘wrongdoers, delinquents, bandits and criminals, hominids, violent psychopaths and terrorists phrenologically determined for the murder, thugs, cocky scoundrels, rogues, swine, cowards, hermaphrodites, paedophiles and rapists, disgusting rabble, sneaky bitches and rats of sewer, filthy bastards sons of bitch, killers that walk among us, in the face of the widows and orphans of their victims, as real cocky’. They are common, universal, identical and reversible qualifications, applicable to everyone that one wants to. They can be indiscriminately applied to any policy, and do produce and reproduce the same retorsions. In contrast to the denial that French and Spanish National-imperialists and fascists do maintain of the existence and resistance of the Peoples that they are subduing, these insults of them translate the Second Francoism’s frustration and exasperation against those Peoples, and are an involuntary recognition of them.

“Spaniards and French feel insulted because of the fact that, in States that they are keeping militarily and illegally occupied and that even so they do senselessly regard as their own domains just because of an imperialistic “right of conquest” (as it occurs for example with the Kingdom of Nabarre and the Principality of Catalonia), there are still people who are not, nor want to be, nor shall they ever be Spaniards or French.

“‘A People does not reach the consciousness of itself without over-estimating itself’, that’s true; yet, if Spaniards and French had put not their vanity but the national pride – that they both so much boast about – in the defence of human rights and democracy, and not in Nationalism and Imperialism, they would have not endured Franco and his fellows for forty years, nor their predecessors and successors for one thousand and two hundred. Neither would they endeavour in maintaining any longer a shameful situation in which the attacked and subjugated Peoples have the impertinence – as the former do deem – of rejecting the phagocyting generosity of their fascist, imperialistic and colonialist ‘benefactors’. Yet, quite on the contrary, they find satisfaction in keeping under their yoke Peoples which would not even wish to see them. Like the dominant males: that fight by means of violence and terror the independence of the woman whom they appropriated and who wouldn’t see them not even in painting, and only thus do they recover their virile honour and dignity, so too the French and Spanish Nationalists do put their honour and glory of ‘great’ Powers that have come down in the world in the maintaining of their oppression on the last Peoples that they continue to dominate through the same Violence and Terrorism with which they constituted their Empire.

“Thanks to the Spanish fascism, and to the support and the complicity of the worldwide imperialism that have never been lacking for them, the Spaniards had now a stable and secure political régime as they had never had it since the fall of the multi-centennial Asiatic-despotic Empire to which they ascribe their greatest glories, and in which they do found their national mythology: that of the largest and most devastating trans-Continental criminal organization of fanatical wrongdoers, murderers and thieves of the entire History of Humanity.

“In the ideal conditions that the war and the post-war period had established for him, General Franco: the most negative, vulgar, conceited, ignorant, rude and tacky of the military or fascist dictators that the world has suffered, could have believed that his intellectual and moral level – not higher than that of the last soldier of guard – did qualify him (with the support of his military, civil and ecclesiastical cultural services) either to ban, censor or falsify the Bible, ‘Les Misérables’, ‘The Black Corsair’, ‘Mogambo’ and ‘Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs’, as well as to impose his ‘thought’ and his rules of conduct to his helpless victims, this is: many millions of children and adults of all sex and condition. ‘The works of Victor Hugo are not available’, announced the incorruptible official of the Municipal Library with all the superiority, dignity, satisfaction and moral and scientific sufficiency which were bestowed on him by his high and uniformed post over the depraved and dreamer aspiring to be a reader. Those who are fond of making classifications and hierarchies – indecent though they may be – will perhaps say that General Franco has not been the greatest criminal of history; but he has certainly been the most destructive of all free-thinking, of all creativity (even the fascist one), and of all initiative: either political, artistic or scientific.

“The crimes of General Franco are as unforgettable and unforgivable as innumerable; however, perhaps the biggest and most disastrous of them all might not be in the war, the murders and other individual and collective exactions, nor in the mass violence and terrorism of the imperialism and fascism, but rather in having killed of boredom for forty years, without remission nor hope, the millions of survivors who had the misfortune to fall under the boots of the ruthless and bloodthirsty tyrant, and to remain buried under the marble slab of his miserable despotism. In comparison with him, Hitler or Mussolini are placed – in terms of creativity and amenity – at the side of Alexander, Caligula or Lorenzo de’ Medici. The dictatorship of these ones is the dictatorship of the mental disturbance; that of Franco and his band is the dictatorship of the collective oligophrenia, the mental (and the others) castration, the destruction of reason, the disappearance of the spirit (which either is critical or is not), and the stupidity as a principle of life and conduct. The fact that the Spanish people has endured it for so many years and that, actually, continue enduring it under the adapted forms of his successors, does show the consequences of centuries of despotism and of the formidable beating of 1936-9. And the fact that, under the conditions imposed to it during centuries by the despotism and the alien occupation, there still remain in the Basque People some forms of resistance and critical sense – even though they may be reduced, primary and inept – does show the formidable spirit of independence that hundreds or thousands of years of freedom or fight for freedom have to some extent allowed to preserve.

“Unfortunately, the perpetrators of crimes of war, against peace and against humanity are still doing as they please, and they retain their ranks and social advantages because of eminent services rendered to the Nation: theirs. They and their families have preserved and increased the perks, the fruits of the institutional robbery, and the ‘donations’ of the Francoist era: all the seized, confiscated and plundered movable and immovable property, and do fully enjoy them. They benefit from the awards, functions, promotions and salaries at the expense of their victims. The ministers and creatures of Franco: accomplices, co-perpetrators, signatories and beneficiaries of all his crimes, and the ideological minions and agents who officiated during the war and the personal dictatorship of General Franco in ‘the State, totalitarian instrument at the service of the Homeland through the Empire towards God’, have occupied a distinguished place among the architects of the intra-totalitarian transition, do found Parties and attend its elections, occupy the highest posts, and preserve their site and exert important functions in the ‘new’ régime as democrats of always; which, without further ado, illustrates the nature of the Francoist self-reform and distinguishes it with respect to all genuine evolution or revolution of the political power.

“Those ministers, accomplices and followers of the Dictator’s crimes: in the service of the Spanish imperialistic Nationalism, continue to wield the political and ideological power, and have at their disposal the monopolies of mass broadcasting to continue to defame with impunity the victims of the Francoism. They call themselves at all hours ‘non-violent democrats’, but they are the same fascists of always: even more hypocritical and dangerous than before. Their presence in the ‘institutions’ does not pollute them, because the former are as fascist as the latter. However, the shameless traitors and/or inept lunatics-cretins who form the bureaucratic band Pnv-Eta: which for more than forty years have been accepting and calling ‘that’ democracy (and the Spanish imperialism and fascism, ‘Right-wing’, as if the Spanish ‘Left-wing’ was not equally so), when they see now that the Spanish fascism of always shows its disgusting and intact face and reality that they have been hiding and collaborating so that the Basque People did not see them, all they do about it is to continue to fake the reality and call it a ‘democratic involution’; a purported democratic involution that only could exist if there had previously been a democratic evolution or revolution: which, except in their hallucinations, in their dementia or in their bad faith, has never existed. ‘Denouncing’ a non-existent democratic involution is their wretched ‘justification’ to evade their responsibility in the current situation that only they have made it possible, while they do perversely and obscenely continue to accept and collaborate with the Spanish imperialistic, colonialist, plunderer and fascist régime imposed on our People and State; a Nationalist and kleptocratic régime of military occupation that they continue to recognize as legitimate, non-violent and democratic, and to participate in its totalitarian institutions and ‘general elections’.

“No more or better credit that the holders of the reigning régime do deserve the Spanish ‘republicans, anarchists, and communists’, as well as the peripheral ‘nationalists’: the moderate and radical, armed and unarmed institutionalists who make up the multi-format Pnv-Eta liquidationist bureaucracy; who, in advance and with ridiculous reserves, do recognize the Francoist criminal State ‘reformed’ by the intra-totalitarian transition as their own State while absolutely ignoring our current historical State: the Kingdom of Nabarre, and the Francoist ‘institutions’ and armed forces of military occupation of our State as democratic and non-violent. All of them struggle to attain their confidence, recognition, grace and benevolence, without which they run out of the party. In return, these native treacherous Collaborationists and Accomplices do only ask to be allowed to collaborate (which is all they know to do), participate, vote, do business (which is not the same as negotiate politically), and receive remunerations and subsidies for them: it’s the very essence of the régime of the Second Francoism that all of them do sustain and which sustains them.” Etc. (See Chapter VII - Consolidation of the Francoism: The Spanish intra-totalitarian transition (VII).)