Contribution from “the left” to the strategic liquidation of Basque national policy: the social-imperialism (VI)

EUSKAL HERRIA AND THE KINGDOM OF NABARRE, OR THE BASQUE PEOPLE AND ITS STATE, AGAINST FRENCH-SPANISH IMPERIALISM

VI – Contribution from “the left” to the strategic liquidation of Basque national policy: the social-imperialism

Iñaki Aginaga and Felipe Campo

“The proletariat of the oppressor nations must not confine themselves to general, stereotyped phrases against annexation and in favour of the equality of nations in general, such as any pacifist burgueois will repeat. The proletariat cannot remain silent on the question of the frontiers of a State founded on national oppression; a question so ‘unpleasant’ for the imperialist bourgeoisie. The proletariat must struggle against the enforced retention of oppressed nations within the bounds of the given State, which means that they must fight for the right of self-determination. The proletariat must demand freedom of political separation for the colonies and nations oppressed by ‘their own’ nation. Otherwise, the internationalism of the proletariat would be nothing but empty words, neither confidence nor class solidarity would be possible between the workers of the oppressed and the oppressor nations; and the hypocrisy of the reformists and Kautskyites, who defend self-determination but remain silent about the nations oppressed by ‘their own’ nation and kept in ‘their own’ State by force, would remain unexposed.” (V. Lenin; ‘The Socialist Revolution and the Right of Nations to Self-Determination’; 1916.)

 

The military rebellion and war of 1936-39 in Spain and its Colonies had given to the Spanish imperialism and fascism the total political power that “should” allow it to liquidate, once and for all, the problem of the subjugated Peoples; and the subsequent intra-totalitarian “transition” to the Second Francoism, once the Dictator General Franco had died in his bed, was in Spain the result of the submission and disappearance of the old republican opposition to fascism. However, after that Spanish national reconciliation and the real and official abolition of the internal class struggle (an abolition accepted by the Spanish “socialists and communists”), there still remained active the international class struggle, that is: the opposition between the Spanish imperialistic Nationalism, on the one side, and the Movement for the Liberation of the Peoples that the former kept subjugated, on the other; as well as the contradiction between the imperialistic and fascist positive “right”, and the democratic and international right of all Peoples’ self-determination.

In short, as from that civil and international war, the Spanish imperialistic Nationalism in its wholeness did for twenty years affirm and wait that, once the National Resistance of the Basque People had been reduced within the limits of the family by means of fascist Terror, the most absolute clandestinity or the exile, the independentist whims were already a thing of the past. However, from the late fifties, the purported success of the war and the dictatorship in liquidating the “Basque problem” began to inspire some doubts.

The first clear demonstrations of masses of the Basque People for its national freedom did soon produce their perverse effects on the Spanish political class, for a long time pleasantly persuaded that the Francoism had effectively and definitively resolved the problem for the good of the Empire, whose historical booty was to remain secured with the guarantee of the totalitarian State. Therefore, as a result of the verification of its failure, the Francoist power intensified the forces of occupation and repression, and also the economic, demographic and ideological measures likely to accelerate the destruction of the subjugated People. This is how the social bases “of the post-Francoism and of the post-(Basque)-nationalism” were prepared, so as to achieve the expected results of the monopolistic consolidation of Francoism and Spanish imperialistic Nationalism.

Indeed, it was once again a question of suffocating the peripheral dominated Peoples and States, mainly Basques and Catalans,whose resurgence – despite the Francoist slab with which the fascist had tried to crush them – was unequivocally manifest. For example, the popular demonstration-celebration at the funeral of President Agirre took place in Saint Jean de Luz the year 1960, and the Aberri-egun (Day of Homeland) of Gernika and Bergara: first ones convened after the war, were held in 1964 and 1965 despite the repression. From those events on, the subsequent annual meetings were the object of clear attempts of a political recuperation in charge and benefit of the social-imperialistic forces Falange-PsoE/PcE. But it was so only up to their open integration with the traditional Francoist National-imperialism after the intra-totalitarian transition of 1977; a moment in which they abandoned their “Basque” camouflage and passed to support their unitary and imperialistic Spanish homeland of always, which was the result of centuries of wars of aggression, occupation, colonization and genocide against the subjugated Peoples.

During the long social, political and ideological preparation of the keys of the intra-totalitarian “transition” to the Second Francoism, the Spanish “opposition” had also abruptly awakened from its slumber, and become aware of the role – supplementary but necessary – that was immediately incumbent for the preservation and exploitation of the Francoist achievements in the war and post-war. The task of infiltrating, recuperating, diverting and neutralizing the Basque democratic movement of masses, and of falsifying all its signs of identity, had revived the residual work-forces of the Spanish “lefts”: all of them “of Euzkadi”, all of them outstanding protagonists, nominal architects and beneficiaries of the mass resistance demonstrations of the others. The mobilization, organization and radicalization of the Spanish ultra-Nationalist colony settled in the subjugated Countries, that is: what the ideologists of imperialism and the “local” fascist Renegades call “the non-nationalist Spaniards”, became the local speciality and the fundamental objective of the Spanish Nationalist Party – all trends gathered – up to the present time.

Thus, confronted the agents of Spanish imperialism to the surprised and exasperated realization of the resilience of the bordering Peoples they keep subjugated (which are the only really weak link in their structure of totalitarian oppression and domination, and whose National Resistance certainly wasn’t “a thing of the past”, as it had been proclaimed and thanked to General Franco), the task specially entrusted to the groups of Spanish social-imperialism did above all consist in implementing the mental decomposition of the “peripheral opposition” by means of falsehoods, lies, dualisms and various hypostasis that dissociated reality, and prevented the subjugated Peoples from grasping the stable and totalizing perception – either vulgar or scientific – of the social relations that underlie their Countries occupied by imperialism. It is in this way that manipulated oppositions of the type: national struggle vs class struggle; People vs citizens-citizenry-“demos”; individual rights vs collective rights; policy and law vs violence; national democracy and independence vs (totalitarian) “elections and majorities”; own legitimate State vs (imperialistic) “Constitution and rule of law”, etc., have always been – in the hands of these social-imperialistic groups – mere instruments of political and ideological struggle against the freedom of the subjugated Peoples.

The openly Spanish organizations took immediately comprehensive awareness of the situation. The traditional fascism did limit itself to logistical support, and left the rest to its homologated “opposition”. The general conspiracy among them, against those who made the mere formulation of the obvious, became more virulent. The aggressiveness in the face of such “revelations” became greater insofar as the conspirators were placed – according to themselves – “to the left” of the political chess-board, since they were more afraid of being exposed by that side.

In this sense, the supporters of individual terrorism – what they called “armed struggle and revolutionary war” – of the Eta: officially incorporated into the Spanish “democratic institutional path” with their participation in the “general elections” of the Second Francoism of 1979, went further than anyone else in their task of concealing the Pnv-Eta joint enterprise of liquidation of the democratic strategy for the Basque People’s liberation; an enterprise that prepared and ensured both the neutralization of that strategy, as well as their own incorporation into the Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime. From the first moment, the “ideologists” of the Eta fulfilled their complementary function of covering up and concealing the swindles of the official Pnv. In fact, their “judgmental” campaign against the “autonomous republican government” had begun during the agreed liquidation of it by the Pnv/Anv bureaucracies with the PsoE; and – given their particular and stubborn inability to find out about the world which they live in – did go on like that as if nothing had happened, when it was already many years since its own rulers had ruined it.

The Spanish “opposition”, as unobtrusive as ineffective against the Francoist power, had been extremely efficient in the complementary infiltration, neutralization, recuperation, division and perversion of the Basque democratic forces of Resistance to the Spanish imperialistic Nationalism. For that “opposition”, any real or formal establishment or restoration of indigenous political power in the subjugated Peoples is unbearable: it has always preferred the “national reconciliation” with the Despotism and Fascism, to the democracy and the loss of the Empire. If for the traditional Francoism it was preferable rather a Red Spain than a broken one, for its alleged opposition it is preferable rather a fascist Spain than a broken one. The result sought, accepted or assumed is the definitive victory of General Franco and his accomplices and successors.

The function of the Spanish – and French – social-imperialism as agent provocateur and saboteur, corrupting and recuperating the popular movement of national liberation of the subjugated Peoples in favour of its imperialistic Nationalism is well known. Yet, “Nor can the Social-Democrats be for the status quo. However you may twist and turn, annexation is violation of the self-determination of a nation, it is the establishment of state frontiers contrary to the will of the population.” Etc. (V. Lenin.) It is clear that, behind their usurped labels of “Socialists, Communists” etc., the Spanish and French social-imperialists are still the National-imperialists they have always been.

The ideology of the Francoist National Movement moved quickly to the “left”, while the “opposition” did more and more move to the right. The phalanxists went on to the “updating of Vázquez de Mella”, then to the christian democracy, then to particular versions of “Europeanism and federalism”, then to the “socialism” and – dragged by so irresistible an impulse – to the castrism, the marxism-leninism and the communist revolution against the foreign nationalism. It would take twenty years, and a “transition” not devoid of apprehensions and risks, before that the fascists of always retraced their same rhetorical steps; and that their fiery, uncompromising and incorruptible “merciless class struggle against the capitalism, bourgeoisie and nationalism” of the others was resolved in “positivist and constitutionalist, democratic and non-violent” Nationalism and Fascism, which is where they are now as they had always been.

In the propaganda of Falange-PsoE, the “inspiration” and citations of Primo de Rivera Jr. did prevail, replacing completely the rigged references to Marx-Engels-Lenin. From the “Club Guipúzcoa” and other “cultural” phalanxist centres up to the “Houses of the (Spanish) People”; from the unique Trade Union and Party up to Ugt-PsoE, the “transit” was done without difficulties. The red and republican flags disappeared so as to leave afterwards the way open for the Francoist Monarchy’s banner.

But before coming up to this, there was a job to be done consisting of neutralizing the Basque opposition, diverting it from its objectives of liberation from Spanish imperialism through a pseudo-revolutionary demagogy of “socialist and communist” rhetoric. Regarding all this, there has been no lack of works that have subsequently presented it to our Country from purportedly Basque positions, but in a biased way and totally recuperated by the ideology of imperialism:

“The ‘social school’ [...], duly camouflaged, became the main focus of doctrinal irradiation and recruitment of activists from the underground world. [That is to say, the main focus of infiltration and intoxication of the Basque opposition by Spanish imperialism, through its doctrinaire and social-imperialistic irradiation.] [...]

“Between the years 1965-1966, ESBA (Euzkadiko Sozialisten Batasuna [Union of the Socialists of the Basque Country]), the Basque Felipe [i.e. a Spanish and purported ‘Front of popular liberation-Flp’, recuperated by and for the service of the Spanish social-imperialistic ideology and posed against any authentic Basque liberation] captained by José Ramón Recalde, collaborated with the political office of the ETA. As a result, some members of this one such as ... [here their names, which we omit] did create several social schools in Gipuzkoa in which they tried to re-direct the nationalist ideology of the founders [of the Eta group; of course is is Basque ‘nationalist ideology’, because for the author of this work – as well as for the agents of the Spanish ‘Felipe’ – there was no Spanish Nationalist ideology] towards what Recalde defined [in fact ‘designated’] as ‘a popular and not petit-bourgeois perspective’. [That is: towards a ‘popular’ and Nationalist-imperialistic perspective of the Spanish Big-Bourgeoisie and Aristocracy.] [...]

“And so began the battle between ELA-Felipe [ELA/STV = ‘Euzko Langilleen Alkartasuna/Solidarity of Basque Workers’] for the social schools and for the doctrinal re-directioning of the ETA. [That is, the battle of ELA against the ideological recuperation of the Eta for the Spanish Nationalist and social-imperialistic postulates of the ‘Felipe’.] [...].

“During the years 1966-1968, the Ela-dians [members of ELA] or Mozambicans (supporters of the Mozambican liberation struggle), accusers of what they call a new form of imperialism – the [Spanish] social-imperialism –, came both to polemicize in the press [...] as well as to take hold [¿!] of the social schools in which they seem to detect the presence of the Felipe. Their arrival, Mario Onaindía confesses it in his memoirs, ‘was more feared than that of the Francoist police itself’. Thus ‘fell’ the social school of Zarauz, that of the church of Saint Vincent in San Sebastian and many more. [...]

“Another irruption, which was even reflected in the legal press, was that of Renteria:

“[...] A local youngster (at that time of EGI, afterwards of ELA), [here his name], tried to speak about Basque history in a traditional nationalist version. [That is, ‘traditional nationalist’ Basque version. We have already indicated that for this author there is no Spanish Nationalism; neither in traditional nor non-traditional versions.] The ‘social’ priests [that is, the priests recuperated for the Spanish Nationalist and social-imperialistic ideology of the ‘Felipe’; in contrat to what both for the author and the ‘Felipe’ would be the Basque ‘national/nationalist’ priests] point out questions to him, try to ridicule him.” Etc. (Idoia Estornes Zubizarreta; ‘Abandonando la casa del padre’ [Abandoning the father’s house], 2010.)

As can be seen, this author has fully assumed the Spanish Nationalist and social-imperialist terminology and ideology, which is always and constantly camouflaged and identified by her in a “natural” way with the false denomination “popular-social-socialist”; while the Basque anti-imperialistic ideology is always and constantly referred to in this work of her, also all “naturally”, as “petty-bourgeois and nationalist”. The ideological work of this author: consisting of a constant cover up/concealment of the Spanish imperialistic Nationalism, is repugnant.

Now then, what else remains already to be said, when being faced with such a sincere confession of class solidarity among the Spanish imperialists, and with their due distinction between the non-antagonistic contradictions that exist among them, in the face of the antagonistic contradiction that the Spanish imperialistic Nationalism maintains against the Basque “nationalism”?

The – apparently – “fearful” Spanish National-socialist and imperialist Mario Onaindia: who came to confess also having re-discovered the Civil Guard’s values (an “honest” armed Institute which did always protect the Spanish social-imperialists like himself, in the face of the bold or even fearless action of the Basque Resistants who risked fighting the fascist provocations of agents provocateurs such as Onaindia or Estornes Zubizarreta), had an outstanding role as recruiting lure that, through interposed Organizations with seemingly Basque labels, make it possible for the remains of the ideological and political wreck of the Eta’s “activist move” to disembark in the transitive neo-Francoism of Falage-PsoE. Both he as well as the author herself of the work that we have pointed out: who so willingly dares to quote such words of Onaindia without the least reserve on her part, do spare us the effort to expose them as they are: agents of Spanish social-imperialism; self-confessed, the one, and at least guiltily ignorant, the other. (We explain more fully the role of this author and that of her then husband, José Antonio Ayestarán, in our work: ‘Iñaki Aginaga Beristain: in memoriam’.)

The stance of the author of this work: frivolous, tendentious and in fact hostile against the denunciation of Spanish social-imperialism (which does instead appear idealized), is unquestionable. Although we’ve made an elementary clarification to the quoted text: necessary, given her deliberate manipulative work of the author behind her apparent asepsis, the current Basque reader not alienated by the Spanish imperialistic and fascist propaganda, simply in view of the current result after what happened in this Country, will be perfectly able to draw his/her own conclusions from such affirmations.

This is something that she has not been able to achieve, visibly devoted as she is to a sectarianism that leads her to repeat and continue spreading despicable cliches and nicknames against the Basque anti-imperialistic Resistants of that time (who, according to her, “broke in to take hold of the social schools”), while trivializing and obsequiously presenting as respectable the Spanish social-imperialistic positions, disseminated in those “debates” under the protection of the French-Spanish fascism and under its military occupation of our Country; all of which is a part of what has finally brought us to the current situation.

This has not prevented her from publishing another work that, without the slightest embarrassment, she has entitled “How could this happen to us?”. In it, without making the slightest denunciation or self-criticism for what she, her husband and others like them did against the only possible alternative at that time: defended by those Resistanced fighters agains Spanish social-imperialism, and based on the denunciation of its imperialistic and fascist of military occupation and on the refusal to accept it as a democracy, she hypocritically asks how our Country has reached the current situation: “How could this happen to us?”. She does not want to see or at least admit that she, her husband and others like them, when “leaving the father's house” did so in order to enter the house of Spanish imperialism, and to fight those who not only did not enter it but, in addition, warned of what was happening and what was going to happen; which is exactly what there has happened and what she hides in her mentioned work.

As we have seen, those denounced in the action carried out in Rentería (1966) against the Spanish social-imperalistic indoctrination under the conditions of fascism (an action that, according to the author, “was even reflected in the legal press” of the régime, we can imagine in what form), did still continue – forty-five years later – describing it as an “irruption”. (Of course, we are including among those denounced all the agents of imperialism: either in their position as conscious agents, as they are the metropolitan Colonists and the indigenous Renegades who – embittered by their bad conscience – support the former; as well as the autochtonous foolish lunatics or stupids who, despite having received the keys to understand what was happening, persisted in ignoring it and attacking the one who explained it.)

Indeed, the Basque clergy: “the ‘social’ priests” according to the aforementioned text, had discovered that “democracy consists in sending representatives to the Spanish (or French) Parliament”, and did accordingly take positions in the “new” régime. In other cases, being persuaded those aboriginal clerics, monks and laymen that the triumph of the Spanish “communism” and the Spanish proletariat dictatorship were inevitable (just as Ramon Tamames and other opportunist Spanish national-imperialists and fascists like him believed it so), devoted themselves to earn points so as to ensure access to the new Spanish earthly paradise. Consequently, their parishes, convents and associative centres – such as the “association of industry of Navarre” in Pamplona, where he came to lecture on the “economic structure of Spain” – were left open to the monopolistic propaganda of the Spanish “marxist-leninist” imperialistic Nationalism. At the same time and meanwhile, they closed – figuratively and materially – their doors to any tendency or organization of opposition to Spanish imperialism that, escaping the absolute control of the clergy in its own ecclesiastical fiefdom, might jeoparize the strategy of inclusion of the Spanish “religious exception” (Basque there is none) in the – according to them – impending Hispanic realm of total disalienation.

The seminary was emptied in the Eta. The seminarians did change a revelation and one missionary work by another ones, and provided their invaluable contribution to the elaboration of a form of theology supposedly “Marxist-Leninist”, aimed both to replenish or disguise the complete theoretical emptiness of the “armed struggle and revolutionary war” of the Eta, and to host and give shelter to a new fifth column of the Spanish imperialistic Nationalism. During fifteen years (1964-1979), the rubbish that they called “marxism-leninism”: a mere resource for the infiltration of Spanish imperialism among the dominated Basque People, was the common ideological reference of the general crisis, whether Falangist, clerical or “radical” of the Eta.

Finally, immersed in their drift, the unarmed and armed  Pnv-Eta and their satellites did prepare, accept and recognize – tacitly and expressly – in 1977-79 the Francoism: self-reformed by its intra-totalitarian transition, as an effective, democratic and non-violent régime. Even before the “transition” took place, and for a greater security, these “Basque” collaborationist agents attacked, denigrated and slandered, with the support of fascism in power and its “revolutionary” social-imperialistic fifth column, those who maintained that the only democratic strategy of liberation for the Colonies – but also for Spain itself – was solely possible on the basis of the non-acceptance and non-recognition of the unitary régime of totalitarian and fascist imposition that the Francoists and their accomplices were trying to reform and preserve through “the transit from the [Francoist] law to the [neo-Francoist] law” (Torcuato Fernandez-Miranda; ‘Act of Political Reform’, December-1976); as they managed to do with the establishment of the currently reigning Second Francoism, thanks to a general collaborationism:

“[...] Thanks to Carrillo (perhaps the only one who understands Fernández-Miranda), the PCE will cross the border to place itself within the democratic universe of the Transition”, etc. As explained in the following chapter, Santiago Carrillo, after having rendered this great service for the continuity of the Francoist régime and the Spanish imperialism, and after having been expelled from the PcE in 1985, led his followers to join the PsoE.

But those “Basque” collaborationist agents – a definitive proof of their bad faith – sabotaged this only possible strategy of non-recognition and rejection of Francoism’s operation of reform and preservation, with all the means put at their disposal by the multi-national fascist monopolies of propaganda, confusion and ideological intoxication of masses; and prevented its diffusion among public opinion, either by alternately applying against it a plot of silence or of discredit (through clumsy slanders never proved and ridiculous nicknames and insults against those who promoted that strategy), or by presenting it as absurd and corrupt. That is, by attributing their own intellectual and moral misery on those who reasonably and honestly denounced their opportunism and collaborationism:

“These guys either have been Francoists or are members of the Opus. They were against all that’s ours. Now they have turned themselves into nationalists. And I don’t understand it.” (Statements made in ‘El Diario Vasco’ on September 12, 1978 by Manu Robles Arangiz, chieftain – in ELA – of the Pnv bureaucracy, devoted to the liquidation of the Basque national strategy.)

But the historical function of those “incorruptible” Spanish social-imperialists: purported  defenders of “immediate and total revolution” whom these Pnv-Eta collaborationist bureaucrats did associate with, consisted precisely of ruining the only possible strategy of democratic opposition to the operations of reform, intra-totalitarian transition and continuation of the Francoism that the régime and its multi-national partners were organizing and financing. In this way, the success of the Pnv-Eta manoeuvres and attacks against those who denounced Spanish social-imperialism and its “Basque” accomplices (who gave it cover in those “social schools”), did fatally result in the failure of the liberation of our Country, delivered again into the hands of the fascists of always and into those of their transitive henchmen “of the left”.

All of them were recognized as “democrats” from then on by the betrayal, corruption and stupidity of the Pnv-Eta bureaucrats and their accomplices, as is the case of the aforementioned J.A. Ayestarán, and of Jose Luis Álvarez/‘Txillardegi’ and Kepa Anabitarte; who, with their party ‘Euskal sozialista biltzarrea’-esb [“Basque” socialist assembly], agreed to participate in the Spanish “constituent general elections” of 1977, and therefore in the fascist régime that organized them, as if they were legitimate, democratic and the own State of the Basque People. (And on top of that, we have to endure that those who supported all that strategic liquidation and attacked those who denounced it and advised against it, stupidly or hypocritically ask themselves “How could this happen to us?”; that is, how could have happened to us what they did everuthing necessary to make it happen.)

Unmasked these “revolutionaries of the left” by their incorporation and support to the régime of occupation of the usual fascists, after having lost a precious and vital time and after having got the People to drink up to the dregs the bitter result of the “successes” of the Pnv-Eta bureaucracy ant its accomplices, experience has revealed – even to the more naïve or stalwarts of their followers – the sectarian and guilty delirium that underlay behind the “self-evident and realistic-possibilistic” solutions that these “moderate and radical” indigenous traitors-collaborationists proposed to liberate the Country, namely:

1/ “democracy by universal suffrage: ‘one person, one vote’, within a transitory régime without a defined institutional sign”, as agreed in the pact of Munich in 1962. It is: a sterile and exhausting formal electioneering within the criminally imposed, corrupt and nationalistic Spanish “universe”, whose experience had already been verified during “the Republic” with the result by all known, but now (1977) under the conditions of the unitary fascist régime of military occupation of the Second Francoism, perfectly defined and that since then, thanks to them, was also strengthened as “democratic”;

2/ “the support of the Spanish Democrats, Socialists and Leftist revolutionaries, who are all with us”, and “from whom we receive assurances on which we are entitled to trust” (M. Irujo); when it was clear that all these were – already then, as they remain so now – strictly Spanish national and social-imperialists that subordinated any reform and democratic progress to the maintenance of the unitary and colonial State of military occupation and inevitably fascist; and

3/ “the armed struggle, the revolutionary war and the Plan of eight years of national Liberation and Unification”; it is: the “activism” of the attempts, whose democratic criticism showed them as a false opposition or response to the State criminal Violence and Terrorism, as well as painfully expensive to the People and the sake of freedom.

“The armed struggle and the revolutionary war”: a complement, not alternative to the “institutional opposition”, was actually reduced to the increasingly symbolic, difficult, expensive and exceptional attempts which hid the reality of the Terrorism and the criminal, imperialistic and fascist Violence of the régime. Its effect was the continuous and unjustified burning of militants, the depletion and destruction of resources exorbitant to the obtained results, the provocation, the denunciation and self-denunciation, and the endless moral crisis: both of the own militants and of the population ideologically orphan and undermined by the fascist monopolies of mass ideological intoxication and psychological warfare. The airs of hubristic and contemptuous intellectual self-importance they embraced did not allowed them to hide an ideological poverty which has been the cause for a constant desertion of repentant defectors and renegades, which did pass from their ranks to the traditional Francoist Party or to Falange/PsoE, what makes no difference. Their names are on everyone’s mind.

All this stuff was in fact the acceptance of the “new” régime of the Spain one and indivisible arisen from eight centuries of crimes, wars of conquest, occupation, colonization and plunder; a régime supported and recognized to this day by the institutional collaboration of “the moderates and the radicals” who make up the Pnv-Eta bureaucracy – and its satellites and accomplices – as non-Nationalist, non-violent, legitimate and democratic with or without deficit, with or without the alibi of the attempts. It was the denial of the occupied People and State, the abandonment of the international and inherent right of self-determination or independence of all Peoples (in terms of its ownership of the Basque People), and the correlative affirmation and recognition of the Spanish imperialistic and fascist positive “law” as effective and democratic.

When the turn of the century was already near, the results of the nationalist and intra-totalitarian “transition”, and of the “Basque” autonomy-trap, appeared to be consolidated and limited at the same time. Thus were given the conditions of possibility, necessity and urgency for a new political and ideological offensive, aimed to smash and prevent the Resistance of the freedom forces that the criminal Violence and Terrorism, the war of aggression and the fascist dictatorship of General Franco and his successors had not attained to eradicate. For this reason, the triumphant phase of the Spanish imperialistic Nationalism of the traditional Francoists and their final solution, and the National-socialist optimism of Falange-PsoE in its hope for the achievement of a “post-(Basque)-nationalism”, have been followed by the new tide of nationalist xenophobia, fury and exasperation; methods with which the current irreducible sectors of the traditional and transitive Francois, and their monopolies of ideological intoxication of the masses, respond to the stubborn reality of the permanence and Resistance of the subjugated Peoples. The corresponding campaign of forgery, defamation, libel and intimidation: relentlessly and daily disseminated by the Spanish monopolies of imperialistic and fascist propaganda, does encourage, excite and put red-hot an unquenchable hatred between the Peoples.

The anticipated denial that France and Spain have established about the identity and very existence of the Peoples and States that those imperialistic nations are subjugating, does ideologically serves the objective of the liquidation of them at the hand of those “great” Nationalist cannibals. It is the supreme expression of the cultural essence of imperialistic Nationalism and Racism: xenophobia, hatred and contempt for other Peoples. The Spanish and French imperialistic Nationalism is, by nature, opposed to international coexistence and concord; it does not consider any other way-out, for the total and absolute conflict that it has promoted, that the final solution. The liquidation of the oppressed Basque People and of its occupied State, the Kingdom of Nabarre, is its fundamental and immutable goal.

(From ‘Euskal Herria and the Kingdom of Nabarre, or the Basque People and its State, against French-Spanish imperialism’.)