The new wave of totalitarian reaction (XXXII)

EUSKAL HERRIA AND THE KINGDOM OF NABARRE, OR THE BASQUE PEOPLE AND ITS STATE, AGAINST FRENCH-SPANISH IMPERIALISM

XXXII – The new wave of totalitarian reaction

Iñaki Aginaga and Felipe Campo

In the new policy globalized by the hegemonic power, the fear of an imperialistic and fascist reaction “even blacker” seems to be already the only effective stimulus for the masses of voters and demonstrators so often requested and always mocked. Which is a bad advisor, for a serene reflection and a reasonable questioning about the inescapable demands that there entails the enterprise of our People’s liberation; but, inside the “electorally triumphant” bureaucracy, who cares about things like that?

And yet, the fear to the worst is the more equivocal, slippery, deceptive and dangerous form of opportunism and defeatism, especially at a time when the alleged realistic-possibilist-minimalist progression of the “policy” carried out by the Pnv-Eta group and its satellites Ea-Ehbildu-Sortu-Geroa bai etc. appears as an open and declared regression, and the question is already to just “avoid” the absolute disaster. The “democrats” who have taken this approach, do follow or vote for any form of reaction, if they find “a greater danger” that gives them excuse and opportunity. But, once set out on that way, there is always something “worse” – real or imaginary – that justifies a new step in the reactionary dissolution and integration into imperialism. When the fear or panic to the worst is established as supreme guide and counsellor, “hell is the limit” has already come, in the totalitarian involution.

The fear of “something worse”, as an alibi for the support and legitimization of the “less bad” reaction in France and in Spain, is renewable to infinity. Even within the most comprehensive democratic liquidation, the supreme and absolute evil does not exist. Beyond the traditional Francoist despotism, the spectre of the extreme right is being shaken now, which displaces the former towards the moderate centre and makes it deserve the support of the “democrats”. But, once all democratic opposition has been liquidated or letf aside, beyond the extreme right there is still place for an ultra-right, which will displace the extreme right towards the moderate centre and will also make it deserve the support of the “democrats”. And the ultra-right thus comforted, the threat of a super-right will displace etc. etc. The last realist-possibilistic-minimalist tactical option is offered to the “Basque democrats” under the showers of the gas chambers.

The fear to the worst, adopted as a supreme guide, does not open the way to the union and strengthening of the democratic forces but to their decomposition, paralysation and recuperation by the Fascist and Nationalist-imperialistic reaction, more united and powerful than ever. It leads to hide or sabotage the real resources of democracy, to the strategic ruin, to the worst illusions and worst appeasements and relinquishments. The fear to the worst is the populist base of the strategy of the worst, and leads inevitably still to the worst. It causes and amplifies greater disasters than those it pretends to be wanting to avoid. It offers shelter, alibi, pretexts, excuses and coverage for the mass escape from the purported left and extreme left-wing opposition, towards the traditional Nationalist and Fascist right. The fear to the worst fear is a bad advisor in policy: it prepares, nurtures, encourages and promotes imperialism and fascism in their worst manifestations, as so many disastrous historical backgrounds have come to demonstrate. The democratic forces, either do not fall into such traps, or else they cease to be democratic forces.

The imperialistic Nationalism and the ruin of the right of self-determination of subjugated Peoples, that is: of their right of independence against imperialism, have as a consequence the insecurity and fear to the worst: social base of the wave of Nationalism and reaction that does advance on the globalized world, whose depth and nature the traditional political Parties strive for camouflage and caricature. In Countries that are already imperialists themselves, the fear of a newer imperialism stronger than one’s own – and of the loss of national independence and identity, which these Countries deny to those they are subjugating – is the social base whose infra-strategic helplessness feeds the new wave of Nationalism that pervades the world; wave easily recuperated and reinforced by the traditional Parties behind the camouflage and alibi of the newly created ones. The Nationalism of the great and less great Powers promotes the general growing and totalitarian tide of the real Fascism, and is the foundation of the new worldwide political order that is being implanted and strengthened day by day.

The nationalist, imperialistic and fascist cancer does so cunningly extend in the shelter of the para-statal, governmental, administrative, bureaucratic and police-military structure, which increasingly weighs without limits nor control over the Peoples. Those who believed that fascism did not have place in the “new Europe” discover – at their own or alien expense – that it is democracy which has increasingly less place left, and along with it and above all, the right of freedom of the Peoples: “first of fundamental human rights and precondition of them all”. The efforts of the Conferences and Commissions of the European Imperialistic Union (EIU) to give “juridical” appearance to the falsification and liquidation of the right of self-determination or independence of all Peoples are one more example of a constantly pursued objective.

The new “international law” sees in the right of national freedom of the Peoples – especially the subjugated ones – its most undesirable disruptive element. The maintenance at all costs of the imperialistic status quo, the fear of precedents, and the containment of the general Movement of National Liberation, are today master guidelines of the general policy of the “great” Powers and of the hegemonic League, and these lines determine their specific and coordinated strategy: be that in Yugoslavia or Ireland, in Chechnya or in the Kingdom of Nabarre. To combat, distort and destroy theoretically and practically the principle and the right of freedom of the Peoples, in the occupied territories of the Country of the Basques, does demand to combat, distort and destroy them also everywhere where an aggression occurs against the freedom of Peoples.

The Imperialism and the Fascism can only be fought with democratic forces: wherever they are, “legally” and illegally, with elections or without them; but always through a coherent, permanent and consistent ideological and political opposition of strategic level. If the democratic forces do not exist, or if – even if they exist – they cannot or do not want to attain that strategic level of opposition, then they are not fought with anything. The incorporation to the traditional right, in order to “combat against the extreme right” drags and involves not only the “electoral” ridiculous but also the public confession of the absence of any real opposition force. The “minimalist realism” has gone under the stile of all feasibility and political reality; but underneath of it, there is already nothing left. The Peoples do mobilize themselves for great causes and, in any case, for national Freedom; they don’t do it for a humiliating dish of lentils. The Peoples that lose their freedom and deplete their life forces into submission and collaboration do not have a place in History.

A democratic strategy is not changed “à la petite semaine”, according to episodic electoral conjunctures intended to always be crucial. It cannot be broken or altered or subordinated with a view to the electoral modalities, or the vicissitudes of a Government swirl. The electoral opportunism believes or still wants to make believe that the political power is “founded” and exercised at and from the ballot boxes: prefabricated in reallity by the formal or factual powers that constitute it. It seeks thereby to conceal the fact that the presence and strategy of the democratic forces – as well as those corresponding to the reaction – transcend the elections, and that they direct and decide in an incomparably more effective way the whole national and international political life.

An actual and consistent democratic opposition, inside or outside the Parliament, opposes an effective resistance to the forces of the traditional or “extreme” right-wing. “The action of masses (a great strike for example) is more important than parliamentary action always, and not only during the revolution or in a revolutionary situation.” “The living wave of popular will constantly surrounds the representative bodies, penetrates them, guides them”, without excluding the “reactionary or very moderate” Parliaments. But neither the traditional “right nor the left” want nothing to do with a popular “living wave” whose implications, whose ghost or simple evocation they fear as the plague. It is no longer hereinafter a matter of electoral, presidential or parliamentary cretinism: those people know very well about what they are doing, and what is not to be done so as to be allowed to participate in the real power, where it really is.

The alleged “differences” between the Nationalism and the Totalitarianism of the “extreme right”, and those of the traditional right, are pretexts that allow to “justify” the support to the most probable and profitable versions for the “containment” of the former. Thus, so as to “combat” the imaginary “danger” of an “extreme right”: shaken as an inflatable tiger by huge media campaigns of the monopolies of propaganda and ideological intoxication of masses, the purported “left” gives support to the traditional and real right, “the most capable of blocking its way”. But the traditional right is not going to block anything to a client whom it does not fear electorally nor in any other way, and with whom it naturally shares the fundamental goals of the nationalist right. It is not the rupture between the rights, but the rigging between rights, the result of such tactical operations of the “left-wing”. It is not the advance of the “extreme right” which pushes back the “democratic and left-wing forces”; it is the ruin or the absence of democratic and left-wing forces which has left a breeding ground for the advance of the “extreme right”, of the traditional right, and of their puppets of the Nationalist “left” in general.

Instead of a divided right, faced to a united and independent democratic opposition, the result of these “containment operations” is the globalization of a united right, with a “left” wing of puppets at  its service. The real nationalist right is already identified with the entire and total political body, along with the already incorporated “democrats of the left” as “leftish branch of the right”. Never could the official “extreme right”, faced with a genuine democratic opposition, have dreamed of a similar fulfilment of its purposes, such as its “winners of the grand democratic coalition” are in a position to realize. We have thus seen how, in order to “block the way” to a candidate “of extreme right” absolutely devoid of the possibility of triumph, an outgoing French President – J. Chirac – more weakened than ever has met, thanks to the “democratic and left-wing forces”, with an absolute electoral support, since its only “opposition” at the ballot box was the “extreme right”. Such is the result obtained by the purported “democratic” movements “of the left”, with its politics of collaboration with the traditional right.

Those who shout “a wolf” know perfectly well what it is going on and what they are doing. The “extreme right” is not already where the naive and less naive “democrats” are looking it for. The real extreme right does not already present itself with brown, black or blue uniforms and other distinctive signs, nor does it place in its traditional reserved zones of the political locker. The real nationalist and fascist right do now advance through the entire board, and prepare its total domination protected, inspired, encouraged and justified by an “extreme right” of operetta, in selfless and fruitful service to the real reaction. For fear of the “extreme right”, the purported democratic left opens the way to the extreme right and the traditional right put together; thence onwards, that so-called democratic left does only have the route either to join the roost, or hang itself with the rope that it weaved itself. Unfortunately for democracy, there is no doubt about the decision taken.

The “official extreme right” is the functional complement of the real right, and the reference to locate the real right “in the centre and the left”; it’s the suggestion and proposition of the values, aims and measures that will be adopted, with a very superior efficiency, by “the moderate right and left” once they have been recuperated and “bleached” by their new backers. The result of the “defeat” – that’s to say: of the success of its real function – of that “official extreme right” is the establishment of a régime “of right” more empowered than ever by a greater majority than ever, and recognized and legitimized by the supposed opposition of its puppets of “the socialist-communist-ecologist left”; with Nationalism and Chauvinism as a single discernible axis of shared identity.

It’s enough to see the climate and the manifestations of spontaneous affection that in France have followed “the victory of the Nation over the extreme right”, to verify that Nationalism is its main engine. Should the French traditional right had not kept the Nationalism, the traditional “left” would not have made sacrifice and mobilized in its favour; which is able to “give up” all its rhetoric and populist “principles” but not its own Nationalism, and to ally with everyone on condition that everybody remain firm against the common and priority enemy: the Peoples which claim their freedom, their inherent and inalienable right of national independence against the French or Spanish imperialism.

It is in Poland, as they say, where the “new fascism” moves faster. An eminently significant – if not comforting – fact, is Spain the only Country in Europe where, according to them, fascism does not advance. Whence they intend to “infer” that Spain is the most democratic Country in Europe, and Poland the most fascist. Indeed, the Spanish Fascism did already take power in 1936-39, and – the sole survivor of the triumphs of the Axis – has preserved and comforted it widely since then; what has made it difficult any further attempt to expand it.

The Spanish paradigm: model, reference and inspiration for the EIU and the hegemonic Power, is certainly not the “democratic way to prevent the advance of fascism”, but it is the one that seems to enjoy greater prestige at the present time. The “moral reserve of the West” of the First Francoism has already become, as they do now pretend, the bunker of freedom and democracy in Europe, and the best ally of the hegemonic Power, “which defends throughout the world the cause of freedom, justice and good against evil”.

In their operation in support of the traditional right, behind the rhetoric food for fools usually employed by the political parties “of the left” and beneath their statements of “uncompromising rejection” of the fascist principles, is drawn the need to integrate them “conveniently adapted” in order to “neutralize” them and to make them “harmless”, thus “preventing” a new offensive outbreak. Astonishing astuteness and amazing Machiavellian resource of “democracy”, namely: the incorporation of the forces, methods and objectives of fascism, exposed with a more viable and performing presentation and realization, precisely to defend democracy and disarm fascism! The operation turns out quite well, and the popular masses meet their role without noticing or wanting to notice anything.

Of course, the support by such parties “of the left” is presented as “isolated, reserved and limited”. As soon as – thanks to their lucidity and self-sacrifice in the service of democracy and freedoms – the imminent danger has passed, the indulgence and concessions will be finished, of course. With their strong, determined, offensive and even aggressive opposition, within the respect of the institutions, they are going to take – as they say – a terrible revenge for the humiliation that they have suffered and accepted for the sake of freedom and democracy.

Thus, those French parties “of the left”: which did recently denounce the pernicious and reactionary role and the corruption of “the right”, have re-elected in 2002 and then celebrated “the victory of democracy, freedom, humanism, Republic and national unity”, embodied in “the saviour of the homeland in danger and of the civilization against barbarism”, which apparently is for them Jacques Chirac. But – as they say the next day – they are going to fight again the incapability and the excesses of those saviours of the eve, favoured with the massive influx of the votes of the “left”. Their democratic credibility will come out, as they say, reinforced from this terrible test.

It would be particularly naïve to believe that it’s the theoretical failure what has led the French traditional “left” to such drifts. Certainly, their theoretical ability is not in question; at least not to such an extent. Quite differently, what is here revealed is another type of reality, because those who “fall” into such crude trap are not highlighting their mistake but their true nature. That behaviour is the statement of imposture, of disability and, finally, of non-existence of the purported official opposition. It is not possible to confuse the democrats that are wrong, with the complementary henchmen of the real Nationalism and Fascism. With their integration into the traditional Nationalist and Fascist forces, the not less traditional French National-socialists demonstrate simply its own inexistence as left and democratic forces.

They are, as they say, “restless, surprised and terrified by the threat of extremism and intolerance” that the new situation shows. But when there have been assumed the values, theses, aims, methods and, first and foremost, the Nationalism of the traditional right; and when there is being made the Fascist and Nationalist policy of the traditional right, what there happens is that one has already become part part of the “new” integrated nationalist right, in complementary and symmetric functions of those covered by the “extreme right”. The “left-wing” Nationalists do not act as they do by mistake. They act as they do because that behaviour corresponds to their real objectives, and the thing does not come from today; although the new world order does impulse its amplification.

When purported French “democratic of the left, socialists and communists” parties do now lead – in close collaboration with their Spanish Francoist or neo-Falangist cronies – the suppression of the freedom of Peoples, the same as they did before lead the infamous war and the fierce and bloody repression, in Algeria and other Countries, against their miserable and semi-illiterate peasant populations product of the colonialism; when, “to save democracy and block the way to fascism”, they vote to the protagonist of the French nuclearization of the Pacific, those who still are making illusions in this regard are people who truly have no remedy. It is not in the polling stations where are needed gloves on the hands and tweezers for the noses, when it would be simply enough with not approaching there; it’s the presence of Nationalism and Fascism in all the public life what makes necessary everywhere the use of masks and anti-gas kits against the Nationalist Plague.

In our Country, “the moderates and the radicals”: actors of the “abertzale” scam in the occupied territories of the Basque State, have spent ninety years voting and supporting the Republic for fear of the Monarchy; fifty, voting and supporting the “democratic” Monarchy for fear of the Army that did found it; the PsoE, for fear of the Ap; the MRp, for fear of the PcF; the PsF, for fear of the Rpr; the Rpr, for fear of the FN; the Psi, for fear of the LPR; the LPR, for fear of the FN; or the Pnv, for fear of the traditional Francoist Pp. And they will end up voting for the Spanish Nazi Party: the Francoist Pp, out of fear – felt or feigned – of the first General who threatens to “revolt”, or the next operetta fascist who fulfills his mission by playing the scarecrow in the “national and regional” televisions of the Spanish monopoly. Yet, the Generals did really revolt a long time ago; and the Spanish clientele does not need additional scarecrows for now: they have enough with what there is. If the Spanish People, which has seen it all before, is not scared with the traditional Francoist Party and its social-falangist puppets, it does not seem that anything is going to scare it already.

The “abertzale” (patriotic Basques) who in this way voted the PsF, “thus getting a European parliamentarian, and a woman to boot”, could see the practical result of their “great success” when they saw their elected representative interrupting the course of a parliamentary session, to remind Europe that “the Basque People does not exist”. The same procedure, “in order to save democracy in the Basque Country”, has allowed them “to get this time a President of the Republic”, at the cost of voting the French Nationalist Party of Chirac, Debré, Toubon, Pascua, Sarkozy and Company: real and current expression of the denial of the rights of Peoples and of the Peoplesthemselves; a party unconditionally supported by the entire French National-socialism, all of them being co-authors all them – together with the Spanish Fascism – of the repression of the Basque People’s national rights.

“Therefore, we denounce the doubtful alliances among the nationalists and the mayors of the right. With Camblong is worse than with the right”, Espilondo says. The PsF and PcF do now condemn the “doubtful electoral alliances and the electoralist compromises” among the French – Nationalist – “right”, and the (Basque) “nationalists”; alliances and compromises that could replace the – non-doubtful – compromises and alliances undertaken for the benefit of the no less Nationalist French “left”. Compromises and alliances condemned in their turn – as it should be and with the corresponding inversion of the terms – by the French nationalist “right”.

It should be noticed that, in all these perverse, diverse and complementary couplings, it is the Basque “nationalism” which is the accursed and condemned element, whose alliance is alternately dishonourable for the components of the French Party, and never the other way round.

These reproaches and these homages from the Nationalist “left” to its “right” (but nonetheless French), and from the Nationalist “right” to its “left” (but not less French), show once more than the true alliance, or more exactly the identification: not only formal and electoral but permanent, fundamental and strategic, is that of the French Nationalist “left” with its Nationalist “right”; is that of the Nationalist-Imperialistic Sacred Union that exists between the Nationalist bourgeoisie and its militaristic and predatory State, and the French social-imperialistic “left”, against Peoples’ freedom and democracy in general. It is also the alliance – of which the French Nationalism cannot do without – with the Spanish State and the Francoist forces in power.

History shows and comes back to show again that democracy was always subordinated by French “left” Nationalism to the maintenance and strengthening of the “institutions” of the French imperialistic Republic. The whole history of that Republic shows the role of the plebiscites and elections at the service of what Marx described as “this immense military and bureaucratic organization”. This real power “was established at the time of the absolute monarchy”. “All political revolutions have done but improve it.” “The hollow and sacred word ‘republic’”, of which Engels talked about (“and what republic!”), was used to camouflage it. In the matter of “republican socialism”, as Guesde said to Jaurès: “Your error is in your conception of a socialism that has nothing of socialist: you make come out your socialism from the Republic, while we make it emerge from the capitalist evolution”. “Your method is the nationalism under a more dangerous form than the other one!” Etc. (See ‘Nationalism and National-socialism’; VIII; Iparla Publications.)

In the area of our Country under Spanish military occupation, this “glorious” action of “support for the least bad imperialism” – which for them is “democracy” – has had its manifestation in the parliamentary support of “the moderate and radical patriotic parties” Pnv-Eta and their satellites to the fascist and neo-Francoist Party in the National-socialist Version of Ugt-Falange-PsoE; which then, unable to hide the repugnance it feels towards them, thanks them for their support by calling them Basque terrorists, murderers, racists and bourgeois.

Those “Basque patriotic” parties, which after more than forty or – since 1931 – more than a hundred years of electoral triumphs are reduced to vote, or are looking for excuses to vote, or beg for being authorised “to exercise their right to vote”, so that they can then vote directly or indirectly for the Spanish-French imperialistic Nationalism in the “general elections” mounted and prepared by that imperialism in the occupied territories of the Basque People; and those who beg for their increasingly problematic participation in the French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime (which they themselves have been – for half a century and to this day – accepting and comforting as legitimate and democractic), none of them all has been wrong either: their effective support to the radical French-Spanish imperialism is consistent with their policy of strategic liquidation of the political positions of the Basque People, which has led this Country to the strategic nullity.

The opportunistic-realistic-possibilistic-minimalist defeatism of the Pnv-Eta bureaucracies and their satellites Ea-Ehbildu-Sortu-Geroa bai etc. tries to make us forget that there is no a worthwhile democratic policy without an independent organized Resistance with a strategic content: conditions that their “leaders” are unable of even conceiving and whose simple evocation cannot even support. Any excuse is worth not to see things as they are, and to avoid getting their teeth into the hard crust of the reality of forces present in our Country.

Of course, such “Basque” parties “expect” that those French-Spnaish ones favoured with their so democratic a support “will take into account such services and undertake without delay the reforms that are needed”. Following this model, perhaps “a democratic consultation to know the opinion on the opportunity for a consultation, to consider the convenience of asking for a French Department with a Prefecture”, might be an adequate and proportionate reward for so great an abnegation. If this is all that the Basque People can “democratically” claim to at this point: which is what the liquidationist bureaucracy Pnv-Eta and its satellites do propose, then the inevitable conclusion is that the Basque People does not exist; which is the starting statement of the imperialistic régime.

It is not the Basque People’s inability that prevents its “leaders” from adopting objectives with some political content; it is the objectives of political liquidation that are being offered to it by those incapable “leaders”: calculatedly enhanced as “Basque independentists” by the media of the fascist monopoly of stultification and ideological intoxication of masses at the service of French-Spanish imperialism upon the Basque People, which make absurd their popular adoption. Between a policy that exists, and another one that does not exist; even between a bad solution, and a ridiculous parody of solution, the “useful vote” will always go to the former. A policy is not made credible, a People is not mobilized by dragging its intelligence and its dignity along the ground. Thisis only diminishes, demoralizes, divides and incapacitates it.

The “practical” result of the fascist-realistic-possibilistic-minimalist path of the Pnv-Eta bureaucracy and its satellites Ea-Ehbildu-Sortu-Geroa bai etc. is the pathetic demand for “granted autonomy”: a tactical resource of the Spanish régime itself; is the aspiration of a demand for “consulting about a consultation to decide” about a fundamental human right; and is the humiliating, dissolving, pathetic, strolling, sterile and reactionary demand of “a French Department with a Prefecture”: a tactical dead end that the French Nationalism has been imposing, maintaining and using since twenty-five – or two-hundred – years now so as to block, control and freeze all attempt of opposition in the Lower Pyrenees. And it is also their “practical version of the right of self-determination”: revised and falsified by the Pnv-Eta ensemble through their ideological pigswill that they have contrived and that they call “right to decide”. (See Chapter XVII above: ‘Contribution of the Pnv-Eta group to the falsification of the right of self-determination of all Peoples and to the reactionary fraud: the “right to decide”’.)

The “refined tactics” that have led to such results need not necessarily stop there; and so, they end up discovering that, since we cannot win elections, let’s al least vote for those who win them. “We have voted winner”, did already proclaim the architects of the “Pact with the Crown”. Voting the winner one does always “win”.

Those who – in demonstrations and “great parades of democratic fellowship against fascism” – wave the flag of this Country next to that of French-Spanish monarchical or republican imperialism, are making with it the apologia of that imperialistic and fasist régime of military occupation of our Country. They are also the ones who vote for the terrorist and nuclear monopoly, while “condemning” the attempts and the desperation that their own collaborationism and betrayal have elicited. They are the same ones who vote to fatten the stick with which “the new French-Spanish democratic power” thus consolidated will continue to hit this long-suffering and defenceless Country. Those same ones who vote the protagonists of the most terrible crimes of war, against peace and against humanity carried out for centuries against the Basque People. And those same ones who vote – even if their empty and hypocritical statements are claiming otherwise – against the fundamental right of self-determination or independence of all Peoples: the first of human rights and precondition of them all, and against the fundamental right of integrity and independence of the legitimate States historically constituted by the Peoples upon the principle of equal rights and Self-Determination of all Peoples.

Fear is, already since long ago, the only reason that leads to the ballot boxes the followers of the armed and unarmed Pnv-Eta institutional path. It is not the propaganda of the Pnv – together with that of its subsidiaries and armed and unarmed satellites – that moves their voters but the ideological pressure and provocation of the French-Spanish Nationalist-Imperialistic block. Every time that the officially governmental propaganda manifests its xenophobic hatred for the aubjugated Basque People, and the unequivocal will to end with it, the votes of the officially “Basque” “opposition” increase to impulses of fear; thus preventing the progression and increase of abstention and boycott against the imperialistic “elections”, which is what French-Spanish imperialism really fears.

In this way, the votes that the French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist power – established by means of military occupation of our Country – cannot gain directly through the consortium of its metropolitan parties, and that could increase the dreaded level of the TOTAL BOYCOTT against that régime (the only response of strategic level that we can wield against it), are fatally rendered useless by being blocked through their recuperation by the complementary reductionism of its armed and unarmed institutional accomplices Pnv-Eta and their satellites Ea-Ehbildu-Sortu-Geroa bai etc. These are the auxiliary local agents of that imperialism: the one they have been supporting with their votes for half a century – and also comforting it internationally – by having accepted it as their own, non-violent, non-Nationalist, legitimate and democratic regime and State.

No People subjugated under imperialism can be free, if its political culture and organization does not allow it to shake off a handicap of such a nature. In our Country, getting rid of that pseudo “Basque political class” of incapable, feeble-minded, corrupt, accomplices and agents of French-Spanish imperialism, which blocks, wears out and exhausts the national energies of the Basque People, is the inescapable task that conditions the restoration and development of a democratic Resistance of strategic level.

Even with relatively modest resources, it is possible to make some form of political opposition; but there is not any way-out left when the fundamental data of reality itself are denied (by affirming that fascist imperialism is”democracy”), and all the routes aimed at the accumulation of a critical mass of forces are blinded; with strategic ruin and ideological irrationality and escapism as a result. In the absence of a real political foundation, there can only occur disability and delusions, to which always follow bitter or hypocritical disappointments with all their inevitable and disastrous consequences. There is no a greater danger to a People than remaining unarmed, unprotected and without the capacity to respond to an enemy determined to destroy it by all means and in the shortest time that is possible; and “guided” by a “political class” made up of incapable and corrupt people that are objectively agents in the service of imperialism that they accept as democracy, as is the case with the ideological-political sub-class Pnv-Eta and its satellites.

This is the real situation of our Country, which has lost fifty years of lost opportunities, victim of its ideological and political backwardness, at the mercy of the stupidity and corruption of its purported ruling class, politically stalled, locked up in a blind alley, deprived of all initiative and unable to bring into play its real basic capacity, after having lost the notion of the deepest currents of liberation of Peoples on a universal scale, and having squandered its material and moral resources in stupid claims, foolish riots and catastrophic enterprises; with ruin as a balance. Only it can itself say if it thinks of remaining like this, or accepts the objective conditions of an own and authentic policy, susceptible to modify in favour of the sake of freedom the current relations of domination between the “great” oppressor Peoples and the oppressed Basque People.

Pnv and Eta do produce and reproduced each other. (See the exposition of this “genetic wheel” in Chapter XXVI.) They are the mutual alibi that both groups need to validate their postulates by mutual discalification of the others. They make up the imaginary political alternative that hides and prevents the Basque People from seeing the real political alternative against French-Spanish imperialism, which these groups do not even recognize as such. They seek and need each other through the vicissitudes of their turbulent consortium; and have thus managed to delay for seventy years, by now, the ideological reception of Peoples’ International Law. Thus, by the work of the moderate and radical local services Pnv-Eta of ideological confusion and intoxication, the forgery has preceded here the original.

Let’s take a look at some examples of the current ideology of “official Basque nationalism”: “If this People makes up its mind – let’s say here in ten years – in favour of the independence, who is going to oppose?” “Since it seems that we have to put a date [on independence], let’s say six years.” (Xabier Arzalluz, president of the Pnv.)

That is to say: after eight centuries of Resistance of the Basque People against occupation, repression and Terrorism – of war and of State – from France and from Spain, the president of the party with one hundred and thirty years of experience (since 1895) does not yet know whether the People it claims to represent will decide for independence. And even if such a thing were to happen in a additional period: according to its president, of six or ten years more (no doubt extendable by ten years at a time up to reaching a few more centuries; what does it matter, since he is talking for talking’s sake and without having a clue), that party in question: called “Basque nationalist”, does not know either “who is going to oppose”. For the Pnv, the subjugated Nation does not exist, the Basque State does not exist, and the French-Spanish Imperialism does not exist either. In any case, all that is the domain of the future or the futurible, of the possible or probable. The ideologists and politicians of the centenary party continue denying or concealing the criminal nature of the French-Spanish régime of military occupation that is subjugating our People and State; as well as the active and passive subjects of imperialism, and of the right of self-determination.

And according to Ibarretxe, “the public applauds from the stands, but the match is played by the politicians on the pitch”. More precisely, he explains us that he “drives the bus” in the new and newly opened historical stage; but, in reality, neither he nor his successors drive anything and go nowhere, neither quickly nor slowly, except where the French-Spanish political class in power is leading them, which is where they have always gone. After all, they have a duty towards it and that’s what they are paid for.

There is no doubt that, under such conditions, a powerful “effort of imagination” becomes necessary, if they are to continue making fun of the respectable audience. It is also understandable that they have to go slowly and cautiously, and to give time to “the politicians”. “We are not in any hurry”, says Arzalluz, “the most influential Basque politician of his generation”, according to his complacent stalwarts.

It’s already long ago that we know: after eight centuries of occupation of our Country, and after sixty years of clandestine destruction and ruin of all its entire strategic perspective at the hands of the Pnv bureaucracy (and of the reduction of the Basque democratic forces to a disgusted, demoralized and helpless mass of voters and abstainers), that the Pnv chieftains are not in any hurry. Of course, time is running in their favour, not in the Country’s; so, it would be irresponsible and extremely dangerous impatience to rush. The process of peace, dialogue, self-determination and freedom could skyrocket and spiral out of control; which would be bad, because “In politics, things are achieved little by little”. “We should not choke ourselves by pretending that everything be achieved by tomorrow”, says Ibarretxe. Fortunately, the Pnv-Eta strategy does absolutely protect the Basque People against any risk of choking and acceleration.

“We must not despair if things are not done as soon as we would like to.” After all, “if it’s not this year, it will be the next; and if not, there is the eternal glory”, preached the Jesuit ideologist Scheifler before the first vascongado“government”. According to Scheifler, the rest does not deserve consideration: “Those are futurible, which we all know that are never going to happen.” (This definition of futurible obliges to reform even the Dictionary of Catholic Theology. It could even give the reason to Arzalluz, when he says that Jansenism has infiltrated into the Society of Jesus.) As it seems, this Jesuit is in disagreement with the realistic-minimalist-illusionist politician Ajuriagerra, who in 1937 did in Santoña explain to the “honest” (and surely stunned) Italian fascist General Mario Roatta that “the Peoples do necessarily receive their reward or punishment in this world, because they have no soul, as the persons do, to receive it on the next world”. (And in disagreement also with Kant and Richelieu, with whose compared positions he differs.)

Effectively, it is necessary not to rush. The Spanish political class, its own formal and real Government, which “know that here they have lost the game”, could yield to a movement of panic of serious consequences, when seeing themselves to be corralled by the hasty and impetuous thrust of the majority forces of the Cav. Luckily enough, the risks of a reckless harassment against injured wild beasts are well known in our political environment; where – as it has been seen – there is much knowledge on animals and vermin. It is equally easy to understand the need to proceed with the greatest stealth not to harm the progress of the secret Diplomacy and Administration. Giving in to the temptation of an indiscriminate information could reveal the hidden bottom of such delicate negotiations, that is: their own inexistence.

Fortunately, the experienced maturity of the acting Pnv-Eta bureaucracy preserves the Country from the risk of an excessively rapid progress, and guarantees such hermetic a discretion that not even their protagonists themselves discover anything. That bureaucracy makes thus sure a wait margin that – once the state of post-election grace has been exhausted – will allow it to establish increasingly frequent tremendously positive conferences and pacts, “definitive truces”, unilateral negotiations and qualitative leaps. With all the noble “speeches” and all the “activism” of the Pnv-Eta complex as a worthy accompaniment. For other results, “we will have to wait for the next elections”, which are announced to be decisive and will open a new historical stage of peace, enthusiasm, hope, dialogue and negotiations; with the democratic and non-violent guarantee of the effective unique power and sole Government of always. The Pnv-Eta ideology of “dialogue” and “violence” is only one aspect of the peculiar way that the “official Basque opposition” has of denying and aggravating the problems, not of solving them.

The recurrent wait and preparation of “the next elections” is the basis of the work of the “Basque moderates and radicals” Pnv-Eta and their satellites, with the complement of their delirious “peace plans, pacts and processes” that they launch every other month. All this helps the Basque People to realize that it must urgently start thinking and waiting for something else; because, as far as they are concerned, it is clear that Ibarretxe, Urkullu and their acolytes are ready to continue “winning elections” uselessly for another twenty-five or twenty-five thousand years more. To continue preaching, for use of the human material that they themselves produce, their hypocritical doctrine of “non-violence”. To continue begging “dialogue” with the imperialism, and then whining endlessly due to the “incomprehension” and the derogatory and insulting treatment that they receive for a response: “an incomprehensible attitude in a democratic régime”, as they insist in calling the French-Spanish fascist imperialism. To continue being astonished that the Spanish Government: which is “the one that exists”, behaves as it does with the “Basque government”, which is the one that does not exist (except as a puppet organ of the former). To continue being scandalized because of the “alliances against nature” of their Spanish National-Christian-democrats or National-socialist allies, in order to hide that the unique alliance “against-nature” in this Country is their own one with the Spanish Nationalism. And to continue presenting themselves as paragon of human and political virtues, so as to complete the ruin and – on top of that – cover with ridicule the Country that they are claiming to represent.

The true function of thaet “official Basque opposition” consists in preventing the constitution of the dominated People in real political agent; in sinking and maintaining the democratic forces below the strategic water line; and in setting objectives that ensure their permanent subjection to the French-Spanish fascist régime of military occupation, which they call “democracy”. Its ideology aims to block the path to the production and communication of ideas, to hide the fundamental fascist nature of the established power, maintain in their vain hopes its more unprotected victims, and to ensure constant evasion and distraction. The “institutional struggle”, with its corollary of “armed struggle”, qualifies the multiform Pnv-Eta complex for such an important task.

The functional and irremediable “incapability” of this nefarious bureaucratic complex to understand the political phenomena, and its stubborn refusal to learn about the world in which they live (along with its deliberate and continued effort so that others do not learn it either), could only lead but to such results. Even today, when – as in the 1930s – the Spanish imperialistic Nationalism thus consolidated and enhanced by them accumulates forces, warms up engines, gathers momentum and sharpens the long knives in search (once again) of the final solution whose mediatic preparation reaches unprecedented levels, “the abertzale left and right” do as in the past collaborate in the search for “the electoral triumphs, the dialogue and the institutional consensus”, embellish and hide the reality, promote the historical oblivion, and numb, prepare and condition the scapegoat for the holocaust.

The ideological-political context, in times of “globalization”, is of such a nature that is being speeded up the duel that will decide on the inevitable alternative between the Peoples’ freedom or liquidation, that is: between their right of free-disposition, or imperialism. But the official “historians” of the Pnv-Eta collaborationism and betrayal are not concerned with those things. The important thing for them is the inventiveness and exaltation of “the institutional path and the armed struggle”.

The indefinite subjugation of a People with vital reserves, sense of self-identity, deep-rooted national and State consciousness, and a purposeful will, is always problematic. Yet, policy either is strategy, or else is nothing. Therefore, even counting onthat political agent (which is the primary condition so as to be able to act in policy), if that agent does not incorporate a consistent strategic development (the secondary condition), which is what enables it to face the social and ideological struggles of a hostile world and to really influence the rapportof forces for the benefit of the subjugated People, the profound will and spontaneous commitment of an entire People will be of little use.

This is the challenge that the Basque People is currently facing. A challenge that it can NEVER overcome, unless it is able to get rid of the deadly trap of “French-Spanish democratic imperialism” in which, for half a century and until today, it has been locked up and is being maintained by the components of the mafia-liquidationist bureaucracy Pnv-Eta and its satellites Ea-Ehbildu-Sortu-Geroa bai, and the rest of its complementary “trade union and cultural” associations that give them cover and never denounce them: all of them auxiliary local agents at the service of imperialism and fascism of France and Spain against the Basque People and its State, the Kingdom of Nabarre.

(From ‘Euskal Herria and the Kingdom of Nabarre, or the Basque People and its State, against French-Spanish imperialism’.)