The Ibarretxe Plan (XXIX)
XXIX – The Ibarretxe Plan
Iñaki Aginaga and Felipe Campo
The Pact of Lizarra-Garazi, of a happy memory (which elicited a hopeful confidence, confronted to the verification of its empty chairs), was advantageously replaced by the “plan” of 2001, May the 13th and its prolonged, permanent, immovable and finally desert negotiating table:
“The Basque People said on May 13th [2001] what it wants. As lehendakari [president], I have been seated to the negotiating table since the elections of the 13th of May, and I am not going to get up. And I’m not going to get up! I am bolted to the negotiating table. I’m still willing to sit down and talk. But two do not sit down if one does not want to. On April 17th [2005], at eight o'clock in the morning, I will sit down at the negotiating table with the [Spanish] popular Party and the socialist Party. Let them sit down to the negotiating table once and for all! They say they are not going to negotiate, but that position cannot be sustained. How would they refuse to negotiate, in a democracy, in the face of the clamor of society? And if they do it, it’s even worse because it would not be democratic. The position of the Spanish government cannot be maintained. If the proposal is rejected, we will not sit idly doing nothing. I cannot understand how anyone can oppose the Basque society being able to freely decide its future. I am convinced that together we are going to open a new historical cycle of coexistence on three pillars: peace, dialogue and decision. I firmly believe that the future is in the hands of Basque society. I am absolutely convinced that 2006 is going to be a momentous year, in which the future of the Basque Country will be written for a long time.”
This is how Juan José Ibarretxe expresses himself in his – long – wait: both for the realization of the (non-legal) consultation that he says there will (one day) be held, as well as for his Plan, of whose decisive result he says he is (as always) “absolutely convinced”. Because, as he goes on saying, “What kind of democrat is a politician who refuses to talk about political problems?” And what kind of politician is one who – as he does – does not want to learn about the world which he lives in, and endeavours in considering the imperialistic politicians and the fascists as democrats?
Being stuck and bolted for too long to the negotiating table, without intent nor hope to get up, could have had dire psycho-motor consequences; which, added to the various psycho-sensory disorders that the “lehendakari” had already contracted in the demanding and hard struggle “against violence wherever it may come from” (except that one coming from the French-Spanish imperialistic and fascist régime of military occupation over the Basque People and its State, which for him is not so but is legitimate and democratic), would have endangered the life – supreme value – of th self-designated “bus driver” and, incidentally, of all travellers.
But lo and behold that, after a long waiting without any negotiation having occurred, the subsequent televised announcement of his overseas journeys through the American Colonies allowed to infer, in the absence of a more explicit demonstration, that finally the “lehendakari” had managed to unstuck, unscrew and get up without anybody noticing it: an inescapable condition to sit again and negotiate. The official Spanish Fascist Party did split it’s sides, and the unscrewed “lehendakari” offered to sit down again for giving birth to a new peace plan that might compete – in fooling gullible followers – with those ones that his “radical opponents” of the Eta offer each weekend that estimate suitable for that purpose. As a whole, the Pnv-Eta group presents new plans for peace, dialogue and freedom at an increasing speed, so as to hide that it has no another one different than continue deceiving the People as up to now; at least while the latter accepts to be made fun of and the régime of occupation deems it suitable.
Twelve centuries of wars, dismemberment, occupation and annexation have not been sufficient so that Ibarretxe may put in doubt the essentially democratic and non-violent nature of the Spanish fascist régime of military occupation, of which depend his office and sustenance. But the “incomprehensible refusal to negotiate and even talk” with him (not to mention the Aznar’s refusal to greet Anasagasti) introduces an unacceptable “democratic deficit” of the régime, which anyway does not affect its democratic essence. Neither the “state of emergency in southern Basque country” and the subsequent “democratic deficit”, which “the radicals” of the Eta “denounce”, have changed anything on the subject.
As far as the French regime is concerned, already “a great lehendakari”: the presidential predecessor of Ibarretxe, had expressed his own reservations: “We’ve always said that France was a democracy, and you see, now we are not allowed to cross the border”. The imperialist and multi-centennial war, aggression, occupation, dismemberment and annexation aren’t enough for calling into question the French “republican democracy”; but Ardanza not being let cross the frontier is a transcendental political fact that constitutes nullifying obstacle to fully benefit from the democratic label that the Pnv bureaucracy does attribute the imperialists and the fascists.
“The first thing is that one should talk with education, and in this country the politicians are very impolite. I’m not going to endure the insults of anyone. The only thing that I ask the new Government is that if they won’t speak to us, at least let them not insult us; that they respect me as I respect them.” (The imperative of a passive and respectful sodomy was the brilliant result of fifty years of realism-possibilism-minimalism.)
War, occupation, repression or torture can pass; but Ibarretxe does not compromise with bad manners. Those responsibles are exposed to the most terrible sanctions or reprisals from the offended Official; although it is still unknown what measures he will adopt, so as to escape the parliamentary allocations to retro-passive destination to which his allies could destine him. (Apart from recommending that they read select and persuasive paragraphs of “The Spanish Christian Gentleman”, any other action that he might take would only have as a result that “the head of the autonomous executive” would run out of the game.)
The supporters of the “dialogue and negotiation” with imperialism and fascism have obtained the coarsest signs of disgust and contempt that they inspire to their lords and masters. Without all of this having affecting the interested, despicable, servile and supplicant attitude of the “autonomous” auxiliary Parties and Services, which have gone through everywhere they had to, so as to get where they are; and without having counted for nothing the dignity of the People they claim to represent. As to the good education of the Pnv bureaucracy, as well as to other of its claimed virtues, they have always been reserved to imperialism and fascism. Its spokespersons have a very poor memory as regards the treatment that they have accorded to the democratic opposition or to the “dissidents” of their own Party.
“There is much nervousness. I want to convey a message of calm since nothing is happening, and this People is going to decide freely and in full normality the régime that it wants to have.” After eight centuries of wars, occupation, terrorism and fascism, the angelic Ordinary Representative of the Spanish State believes that here nothing is going on, that there is only a little bit of nervousness, and that the People will be able to choose the régime that it wants to have: “freely, with full normality and without violence, among diverse options all respectable and legitimate. The only thing that I ask is that they respect me and my proposals, the same as I respect them and their proposals: all respectable and legitimate”.
Two unique interpretations of all this are possible: either imperialism and fascism are respectable and legitimate options, or they do not exist in our Country. Not even in the Pnv itself had it occurred to anyone, until Ibarretxe arrived, such a simple means of solving a problem that – according to that – does not really exist, in a democratic society and without violence thatis what actually exists, attempts of the Eta put aside. It is, manifestly, what is being tried to make believe a public opinion conveniently and relentlessly conditioned to believe anything.
Thus, Ibarretxe’s “Plan” or “process of self-determination” has as its condition the “total absence of any violence, either legalized or of response”, as they say; which means that French-Spanish imperialism and its fascist State of military occupation have ceased to exist. There would then be left a never seen before social aggregate fully non-violent – therefore apolitical – in which all rights are extinguished for lack of adversaries, and along with them the “Plan” itself would also disappear. That’s to say: if violence exists, the “plan” cannot be applied because the precondition that it establishes in order to function and solve the problem is lacking. And if violence does not exist, then the “plan” does not make any sense, since there is left nothing to solve.
The “condition” of the “plan”: which is proposed with the declared purpose of solving the problem created by the criminal Violence of French-Spanish imperialism, is that there be no violence; with which, what is being postulated is that the problem is solved in advance. Of course, there is another interpretation, namely: Ibarretxe does not really mean what he says; he only intends to deceive once again his unwary followers when he speaks of “total absence of any violence”, since in reality he ONLY wants to refer to the attempts of the Eta group, while allowing the imperialistic and fascist monopoly of criminal Violence of the French-Spanish régime of military occupation to subsist.
The “difficulty” of the “Ibarretxe Plan” is that the French-Spanish imperialism exists and that has nothing legitimate or democratic about it: it consists in crimes of war, crimes against the peace and security of the Basque People and its legitimately constituted State, and crimes against humanity, which are incompatible with a genuine realization of that postulated free dialogue and decision. Therefore, to talk of such possibility under an imperialistic régime is not to solve the problem but to deny it or to consider it solved, if it ever existed. And it is also to deny, along with the problem, any real solution, thus destroying any possibility of reaching it.
The “Ibarretxe Plan” embodies the worst of the traditional Pnv “Basque nationalism”: it is a program based both on the denial of the fascist reality of the French-Spanish imperialism on the Basque People, as well as on the sabotage of its national and democratic opposition, structured on the affirmation of the continuity, validity and actuality of its legitimate State internationally recognized, the Kingdom of Nabarre. “Basque nationalist” positions that are the product of bad faith and absolute incompetence in political matters, and inseparable from the loss of all contact with reality.
Such a “plan” is based on illusionism, on sincere or hypocritical incapability to differentiate between friend and foe, on “tactical or strategic” opportunism and corruption, on sham good feelings, on narrow moralism, and on a pedantic self-sufficiency: qualities that have made of this Country an eternal loser in the eternal war of Peoples for their national independence. Whether its author designed it in full possession of a sound mind and as a normal result of temperate customs, or in full fit of delirium tremens, this is a question that nobody cares about.
Apart from the phantasmagoria of Ibarretxe and Co., there is not here any other quantum leap nor any other historical stage than those that the Spanish Army undertook in 1936. No one among the victors, and – as it seems – not even among the vanquished, has the slightest intention of jumping to anywhere or of opening a new stage that is worthwhile. The ruling classes, the Spanish Army and the political sub-class at its service: either it be the Francoism in its traditional version of Pp or in its transitive and National-socialist version of Falange-PsoE (along with its Spanish National-communist and social-imperialist offshoots that form the hotch-potch of “he-leftists/she-leftists-he-united/she-united-wecan-add-more-[Spanish]-country), could not at all care less about the electoral “victories” of the Pnv-Eta group and the “will of the Basque People”. The aim that they all share is to keep the Basque People politically defenceless and ideologically stupefied as long as possible, as they have been keeping it in the last fifty years thanks to the necessary betrayal and collaboration of the liquidationist bureaucrcy Pnv-Eta and its satellites; currently Ea-Ehbildu-Sortu-Geroa bai etc.
The wild goose chase, in itself endless, can continue indefinitely its mediatic consolidation. This is, in any case, what the indigenous auxiliary services Pnv-Eta of the Spanish imperialism hope to achieve. For all they care, they don’t ask for anything better than going on like this until the consummation of the centuries. Or, at least, as long as their masters have nothing better to do than put up with them; and their followers – deluded or resigned – accept to continue being fooled by them.
Properly stimulated and conditioned, the electoral masses can wait – seatting – the results of the efforts and negotiations at the highest level that so many years of unfailing loyalty and credulity have made them possible. So as to pass the time, the Pnv “moderates” are preparing new consultations of opinion on consultations to decide on... no one does already remember what anymore. Meanwhile, the “radicals” of the Eta are engaged in “deepening into their strategy”; without anyone succeeding in understanding how one can deep into what does not exist.
As regards the falsification and sabotage of the international right of self-determination or independence of all Peoples, perpetrated by those who for the benefit of imperialism maintain that this right consists of holding a so-called “referendum of self-determination” under its fascist régime of military occupation and that “democracy consists in voting”, after having accepted that occupation and the conditions of the French-Spanish fascist imperialism (in particular of the Second Francoism, which they have never denounced but quite to the contrary do affirm it as democracy, as they have been maintaining since 1977-79 – whether they be cretinous lunatics or corrupt demagogs in its payroll – the Pnv-Eta local auxiliaries of Spanish imperialism or similar ilk such as the Spanish Official Pere Aragonès, who has just stated: “voting is not a trap; democracy is not a trap” etc.), see, for example, the following chapters of this same text: XI – ‘Dialogue, negotiation, equality, “voting rights” and other wiles’, and XVIII – ‘Contribution of the Pnv-Eta group to the falsification of the right of self-determination of all Peoples and to the reactionary fraud: the “right to decide”’.
We end with these paragraphs of chapter X – ‘The National-Imperialistic ideological disguise’:
“But democracy is the political power of the People, and it is based on the effectiveness of fundamental human rights and above all of the one that is the first and the precondition of them all according to International Law: the right of free disposition, self-determination or independence of all Peoples subjugated by imperialism. Peoples that, along with their indefeasible rights, the imperialists and their agents: whether metropolitan Colonists or indigenous Renegades and Traitors, try to hide, deny and supplant through populists, innocuous and inert expressions such as ‘the population’, ‘the citizenship’ or ‘the male citizens and the female citizens’ etc.
“Where there is no popular power, and the human rights are denied, there cannot be place for democracy but for imperialism and fascism. There is no place for free People, nor free expression of its will, where the basic conditions for their constitution, formation and manifestation have been destroyed; and where are denied the fundamental human rights and, first of all, the international right of free disposition or self-determination of all Peoples. There can be no democracy without fundamental freedoms; and there is no room for them where the fundamental freedom or national independence of Peoples and all human freedoms that this determines are violated, as there happens in the situation that the French-Spanish imperialism has imposed on the Basque People.”
Nevertheless, the corrupt demagogues and/or cretins/lunatics that – most of them on the payroll of the Spanish fascist régime – form the bureaucracies of the purported “Basque political class and intelligentsia” propose false “plans so that the Basque citizenry can exercise its right to decide freely and without violence”. And they do so without demanding, as a precondition, the unconditional and immediate evacuation of all the French-Spanish military occupation forces and their entire apparatus of imperialistic, colonialist and fascist subjugation that is oppressing and repressing our Country, because for them that situation suffered by the Basque People and its State, the Kingdom of Nabarre, is a legitimate, democratic, non-criminal and non-violent one. Their intellectual and moral abjection could not be more repugnant.
The Basque People should urgently understand that these miserable traitors must be abandoned to their fate, by applying a total boycott to all the appeals of the criminal French-Spanish fascist régime and of its necessary indigenous auxiliary agents at its service and salary: the mafia-liquidationist bureaucracy Pnv-Eta and its satellites, which for half a century now have presented and are supporting it as if it was non-criminal, non-violent, legitimate and democratic.
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